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31.
Juan Pablo Ferrero 《Journal of Political Ideologies》2017,22(1):52-73
If the ‘move to the left’ in the 2000s in Argentina and Brazil was the result of a longer process of contentious mobilization from below, enacted primarily during the latter part of the previous decade, what kind of social imaginaries have been enacted in the newest wave of discontent and what is its likely effect on the post-neoliberal form of governance? The argument put forward here is that the newest wave of social protest elicits the re-enactment of the liberal imaginary indirectly expressed under the notion of the republic. This operation tends to undermine the bases of post-neoliberalism, i.e. ‘the popular’, ‘the national-popular’ and ‘anti-neoliberalism: the imaginaries that defined the move to the left in the region. A new activated public, associated with middle-class sectors, raises new demands and does not identify with the ‘anti-neoliberal’ camp. Inasmuch as this activation entails a dispute over the name of the people, it signals a slowdown in the efficacy existing populist formations possess to deepen the movement towards more radical reforms. 相似文献
32.
许娟 《甘肃政法学院学报》2009,(2):47-52
经济自南是特定社会阶段中,统治者在对某种经济自由主义思潮认可的基础上,通过法律手段的运用,涤除政府垄断,矫正政府越位,而取得占据自由权利中核心地位的一种实际状态.追求经济自由是每个国家所期望的经济社会发展的最佳状态.据此,笔者认为,"经济自由是当代中国法的时代精神"的表述,比"自由是法的时代精神"的表述更符合我国当前经济社会发展的需要. 相似文献
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董娟 《北京行政学院学报》2013,(1):34-38
央地关系一直是学界研究的热点问题.目前,围绕央地关系的研究成果数量较多,范围较广.然而,根据研究视角的不同,可以划分为历史学、经济学、政治学、法学以及多学科交叉视角下的央地关系研究.总结、分析不同学科视角下央地关系的研究,不难发现,当前学界的研究仍存在诸多问题,有待进一步完善. 相似文献
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中国在崛起的过程中,已受到了能源瓶颈的制约,能源安全日益突出。为了积极应对,中国开始关注与能源相关的地缘政治因素的变动,在双边乃至多边关系中突出以能源合作为特色的“能源外交”。虽然中国在开展能源外交时有其潜在优势,但也面临着挑战。因此,我们应该按照“一个中心、两个基本点”,即以重塑形象为中心,以对能源地缘政治和相互依赖的认知与实践为两个基本点来构建中国能源外交战略,积极推动在互利平等、互相尊重的基础上进行国际能源合作。 相似文献
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ABSTRACTThis article explores how societal actors in Somalia take part in a transnational politics of countering/preventing violent extremism (CVE/PVE) through a political sociological approach to militarisation. We argue that the transnational politics of CVE represents an extension of global militarism by some states, institutions, donors and brokers. CVE works to adapt global militarism and to reconfigure the global-local relationships that sustain it. We explore the roles and influence of local ‘CVE brokers’ in deradicalisation efforts in South-central Somalia. They inadvertently merge the counter-terrorism approach to Somali people, values and territory with non-military means. We show that their key practices – co-ordination, translation and alignment – advance, but also disrupt, alter and transform CVE policy objectives. 相似文献
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Marta Iñiguez de Heredia 《冲突、安全与发展》2019,19(6):623-644
ABSTRACTThe article explores how stabilisation missions reproduce the patterns that constituted colonial states. Following African historiography, the article argues that stabilisation’s militarised approach to neutralising resistance, its racialisation of targets and its aim to constitute and reform state authority evoke how colonial states were forged by the inseparable relationship between authority, force, race, production and resistance. However, it will be shown that those patterns cannot be fully understood without an account of the broader structure of coloniality and imperialism. In so doing, the article aims to contribute to bring together different literatures on contemporary peace-building interventions and contemporary militarism by examining the relation between militarism, coloniality and imperialism. It focuses on the Democratic Republic of Congo to show how an intensified use of force against resistance, added to frames that see Congolese politics as deviant, has guided the goal of restoration of state authority, and with it, different economic reforms, all of which have reinforced the military and economic power of national and international elites, without reporting significant benefits to the population at large. 相似文献
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