Reputations,Perceptions, and International Economic Agreements

How do countries’ actions on the international stage affect their reputations? We propose that, particularly when evaluating countries about whom individuals may have few prior beliefs, international agreements may hold particular sway in establishing countries’ reputations. Specifically, if a relatively unknown country joins an organization with a country that has a good reputation, individuals will judge that original state to be less risky; if the better-known countries are generally perceived to have a bad reputation, the less-known state will also look more risky. This article presents evidence from a survey experiment in which individuals are asked about the weight of various factors in their perceptions of countries’ reputations. Subjects would randomly receive a prompt about a country’s domestic policy reform or its ties to other countries via economic or cultural agreements. The results show that states’ international ties play a role in assessments about country reputations. We also examine possible mechanisms underlying this finding. Lower risk associated with agreements with good countries is largely a function of anticipated economic benefits. However, the higher risk associated with agreements with bad countries seems to be more a function of anticipated political closeness between countries.     

Contested multilateralism

“Contested multilateralism” describes the situation that results from the pursuit of strategies by states, multilateral organizations, and non-state actors to use multilateral institutions, existing or newly created, to challenge the rules, practices, or missions of existing multilateral institutions. It occurs when coalitions dissatisfied with existing institutions combine threats of exit, voice, and the creation of alternative institutions to pursue policies and practices different from those of existing institutions. Contested multilateralism takes two principal forms: regime shifting and competitive regime creation. It can be observed across issue areas. It shapes patterns of international cooperation and discord on key security concerns such as combating terrorist financing, halting the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and banning certain conventional weapons. It is also evident on economic issues involving intellectual property, on environmental and energy issues, and in the realm of global public health. The sources of dissatisfaction are primarily exogenous, and the institutions used to challenge the status quo range from traditional treaties or intergovernmental organizations to informal networks, some of which include non-state actors. Some institutions are winners from the process of contested multilateralism; others may lose authority or status. Although we do not propose an explanatory theory of contested multilateralism, we do suggest that this concept provides a useful framework for understanding changes in regime complexes and the strategies that generate such changes.     

The Social Capital of Global Ties in Science: The Added Value of International Collaboration

The globalization of science is demonstrated in the mobility of scientists across national boundaries, the composition of the U.S. scientific workforce, and increased collaboration across national boundaries. While studies based on bibliometric and other data have been useful in identifying trends, collaborative clusters, and other patterns in international collaboration, they do not reveal the social dynamics behind those collaborations. This paper addresses the human and social capital factors that explain whether or not an academic researcher in science and engineering has an international collaborator. Further, through detailed statistical models, the analysis also addresses the factors that differentiate the specific resources derived from those international ties. Results show that non‐U.S. citizens are more likely to have close international collaborators, but that a range of factors explain this relationship. Further, results show that U.S. academic faculty mobilize different collaborative resources from international collaborators, versus their domestic collaborators.     

Die Europäische Bürgerinitiative. Grundlagen, Bedingungen und Verfahren

Mit Inkrafttreten des Vertrags von Lissabon am 1. Dezember 2009 wurde auf Ebene der Europäischen Union erstmals ein Element direkter Demokratie primärrechtlich verankert: die Europäische Bürgerinitiative. Diese stellt ein neues Recht der UnionsbürgerInnen dar, muss aber erst noch sekundärrechtlich näher ausgestaltet werden. Seit Ende März 2010 liegt ein entsprechender Vorschlag der Kommission für eine Verordnung des Europäischen Parlaments und des Rates vor. Die darin vorgesehenen Verfahren und Bedingungen sollen klar, einfach und benutzerfreundlich sein sowie gewährleisten, dass Bürgerinitiativen einerseits repräsentativ für ein unionsweites Interesse und andererseits als Instrument einfach zu handhaben sind. Sie sollen ferner sicherstellen, dass für alle UnionsbürgerInnen unabhängig von dem Mitgliedstaat, aus dem sie stammen, die gleichen Bedingungen für die Teilnahme an einer Bürgerinitiative gelten. Der gegenständliche Beitrag stellt die Grundlagen sowie die Bedingungen und Verfahren der Europäischen Bürgerinitiative dar und geht (noch) offenen Rechtsfragen nach.     

When the study of delinquent groups stood still: In defense of a classical tradition

This essay focuses on reductionism, the study of delinquent groups, and citation analysis. It describes Frederick Thrasher’s epistemological break with reductionists like Sigmund Freud and William Healy. It shows how Freudian, neoFreudian, and social-control theorists attributed ‘the group factor’ in delinquency to pathological traits, early childhood disorders, frustrated desires for mobility, or social disabilities of group members. From 1950 to 1970, the mobilization of bias accompanying these regressive developments nullified a classical sociological view of delinquent groups by transforming a fruitful legacy of non-reductionist theory and research into ‘non events’. When criminologists employ citation indices to legitimate such degenerative developments, they rely on spurious subjective criteria for gauging scientific contributions to knowledge.     

Integrating Public Service Motivation in the Job-Demands-Resources Model: An Empirical Analysis to Explain Employees’ Performance,Absenteeism, and Presenteeism

Public service motivation (PSM) is a focal construct in public management research, and while sound evidence exists that PSM is positively associated with several desired outcomes, knowledge on the underlying mechanisms which explain these associations and on potential negative consequences of PSM remains limited. Addressing these research gaps, this study investigates how PSM relates to relational job resources, work engagement, and outcomes. We thereby account for both direct and moderating effects of PSM and consider positive (employee performance) and negative outcomes (sickness absenteeism and presenteeism). We empirically test our model in the German public sector and find that the PSM dimensions relate differently to the assessed outcomes, providing varying support for our hypotheses. In particular, commitment to public value and compassion seem to drive the positive effect of PSM on employee performance, whereas self-sacrifice and client orientation are linked to reduced absenteeism, and only compassion is associated with increased presenteeism.     

Elke Fiebig-Bauer: Ressourcenschonung durch das KrW-/AbfG – Eine juristisch-ökonomische Analyse

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