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Kai Arzheimer 《West European politics》2013,36(5):985-1011
This article examines the relationship between Christian religiosity and the support for radical right parties in Western Europe. Drawing on theories of electoral choice and on socio-psychological literature largely ignored by scholars of electoral behaviour, it suggests and tests a number of competing hypotheses. The findings demonstrate that while religiosity has few direct effects, and while religious people are neither more nor less hostile towards ethnic minorities and thereby neither more nor less prone to vote for a radical right party, they are not ‘available’ to these parties because they are still firmly attached to Christian Democratic or conservative parties. However, given increasing de-alignment, this ‘vaccine effect’ is likely to become weaker with time. 相似文献
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Kai Arzheimer 《German politics》2013,22(3):341-354
The 2011 election in Rhineland-Palatinate was a political earthquake: Following a string of political scandals, the SPD lost almost ten percentage points of their support, while the CDU could hardly improve on their disastrous 2006 result. The FDP is no longer represented in the state parliament. The Greens more than tripled their last result, allowing them to enter a coalition with the SPD for the first time. Analyses at the municipal level show that the party improved most in their urban strongholds while still showing a (relatively) weak performance in rural areas. This will make it difficult to sustain the momentum of their victory. Moreover, the SPD is battered and bruised and needs to select a new leader, but veteran minister president Kurt Beck shows no inclination to step down. This does not bode well for a coalition that needs to organise the state's fiscal consolidation and structural transformation. 相似文献
145.
ABSTRACTWhy do Indonesian Muslims join Islamist extremist groups? This article explores four pathways to entry into Indonesian militant groups: study sessions, local conflict, kinship, and schools. It argues that within all four of these pathways, social bonds and relationships are the common thread in encouraging entry as well as in fostering commitment. Specifically, these relationships contribute to the formation and eventual consolidation of one’s identity as a member of the jihadi group through regular participation in activities, attending meetings, narrowing the circle of friends to those within the group, and participating in increasingly risky and possibly violent activities together. Drawing on original fieldwork including 49 interviews with current and former members of Jemaah Islamiyah, Mujahidin KOMPAK, Darul Islam, Mujahidin Tanah Runtuh, Indonesia’s pro-ISIS network, and other jihadist groups as well as 57 depositions and court documents, this article explores the development and evolution of these pathways and how relational ties play a role in each. 相似文献
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Kai Jäger 《Democratization》2013,20(6):1138-1165
In 2006, Bangkok's middle-class residents overwhelmingly supported the military coup that displaced the elected government of Thaksin Shinawatra. Survey research shows that opponents of Thaksin had a stronger commitment to liberal democracy and possibly to royalist values while rural voters supported Thaksin because he fulfilled their social demands. Opposition to Thaksin was not motivated by economic interests, but rather, there is some evidence that urban middle- and upper-class voters disliked Thaksin because they heard negative reporting about him, which were less available in the countryside. These findings are compatible with a new theory of democratic consolidation, in which the upper classes have the means that would enable and encourage them to pay sufficient attention to politics to discover that what they viewed as ‘good government’ was violated by the ruling party, which could have led to demands for more democracy historically. More recently, however, in Thailand and perhaps other instances in Southeast Asia and Latin America, those with the money and leisure to follow politics closely have heard reports about the ‘bad government’ of populist, democratically elected leaders, and thus have turned against them. 相似文献
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随着互联网信息技术和移动通讯业务的飞快进步,互联网金融模式在中国兴起并迅速发展。互联网金融是由电子商务企业提供的网络支付结算、网络融资、网络保险、网络理财等金融服务。与传统金融服务相比,互联网金融在产品设计、服务模式和参与主体三方面实现了创新。互联网金融将改变传统金融机构经营方式、竞争理念,进而重塑传统金融生态模式。本文探讨了互联网金融模式给传统金融模式带来的种种机遇及挑战,并提出互联网金融的发展趋势及其建议。 相似文献
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赖锴 《广西警官高等专科学校学报》2014,(3):117-120
学风是学校办学水平、办学品位的表现形式,是衡量教学质量和管理水平的重要指标。影响学风建设的因素主要包括人的因素、制度的因素、环境的因素、传统的因素等,加强学风建设需要立足于这四个主要因素展开有针对性的路径分析。 相似文献
150.
郭凯 《河南公安高等专科学校学报》2009,18(6):118-120
韦纳的归因理论认为,归因方式不同,个体的行为反应和情感反应也不同。就警察来说,不同的归因方式会影响到警察的情感、成就期望和动机、团队归属感和认同感,进而影响到警察队伍的集体效能感。韦纳的归因理论可以广泛应用于警察选拔、培训和工作激励,帮助警察形成积极的归因方式,提高警察的自信心和工作积极性,进而提高整个警察队伍的集体效能感。 相似文献