全文获取类型
收费全文 | 583篇 |
免费 | 56篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 34篇 |
工人农民 | 25篇 |
世界政治 | 94篇 |
外交国际关系 | 58篇 |
法律 | 220篇 |
中国政治 | 7篇 |
政治理论 | 198篇 |
综合类 | 3篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 10篇 |
2022年 | 7篇 |
2021年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 24篇 |
2019年 | 28篇 |
2018年 | 47篇 |
2017年 | 54篇 |
2016年 | 36篇 |
2015年 | 27篇 |
2014年 | 26篇 |
2013年 | 81篇 |
2012年 | 32篇 |
2011年 | 20篇 |
2010年 | 11篇 |
2009年 | 16篇 |
2008年 | 28篇 |
2007年 | 22篇 |
2006年 | 8篇 |
2005年 | 15篇 |
2004年 | 13篇 |
2003年 | 15篇 |
2002年 | 15篇 |
2001年 | 14篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 9篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 7篇 |
1994年 | 4篇 |
1993年 | 8篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 4篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 2篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1971年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有639条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
41.
42.
Adam Bonica 《American journal of political science》2014,58(2):367-386
I develop a method to measure the ideology of candidates and contributors using campaign finance data. Combined with a data set of over 100 million contribution records from state and federal elections, the method estimates ideal points for an expansive range of political actors. The common pool of contributors who give across institutions and levels of politics makes it possible to recover a unified set of ideological measures for members of Congress, the president and executive branch, state legislators, governors, and other state officials, as well as the interest groups and individuals who make political donations. Since candidates fundraise regardless of incumbency status, the method estimates ideal points for both incumbents and nonincumbents. After establishing measure validity and addressing issues concerning strategic behavior, I present results for a variety of political actors and discuss several promising avenues of research made possible by the new measures. 相似文献
43.
Adam Przeworski 《Scandinavian political studies》2011,34(2):168-182
Conflicts, liberty and peace do not coexist easily. Through most of history, civil peace was maintained by the threat of force. Contemporary ideologues of authoritarian regimes maintain that political conflicts inevitably result in violence, and the founders of modern representative institutions in the West have shared this view. Yet we now know that political institutions can cope with conflicts, that conflicts can be structured, regulated and contained, and that purely procedural rules can be effective in processing conflicts. Most importantly, we have come to realise that choosing governments through competitive elections is the only way to foster political freedom in divided societies. Competitive elections support social peace by enabling political forces to think in inter‐temporal terms. In turn, civil peace is maintained between elections when when opposition groups expect to be reasonably successful within the halls of representative institutions. 相似文献
44.
45.
Matthew Adam Kocher Thomas B. Pepinsky Stathis N. Kalyvas 《American journal of political science》2011,55(2):201-218
Aerial bombardment has been an important component of counterinsurgency practice since shortly after it became a viable military technology in the early twentieth century. Due to the nature of insurgency, bombing frequently occurs in and around settled areas, and consequently it tends to generate many civilian casualties. However, the effectiveness of bombing civilian areas as a military tactic remains disputed. Using data disaggregated to the level of the smallest population unit and measured at multiple points in time, this article examines the effect of aerial bombardment on the pattern of local control in the Vietnam War. A variety of estimation methods, including instrumental variables and genetic matching, show that bombing civilians systematically shifted control in favor of the Viet Cong insurgents. 相似文献
46.
Adam Fenner 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2014,25(4):613-629
Most scholarship depicts the Honduran president, Tiburcio Carías Andino, as little more than an obedient puppet of the United States and the United Fruit Company, the classic client dictator running the archetypal “banana republic.” Using both Honduran and American sources, this article challenges the validity of Carías’ supposedly unquestioned compliance with American demands, arguing that Carías was an independent actor capable of using, manipulating, and defying the United States in pursuit of his own disparate goals. 相似文献
47.
48.
49.
Matthew J. Lebo Adam J. McGlynn Gregory Koger 《American journal of political science》2007,51(3):464-481
Why does the influence of Congressional parties fluctuate over time? Building on prevailing answers, we develop a model, Strategic Party Government, which highlights the electoral motives of legislative parties and the strategic interaction between parties. We test this theory using the entire range of House and Senate party behavior from 1789 to 2000 and find that the strategic behavior of parties complements members' preferences as an explanation for variation in party influence. Specifically, the strongest predictors of one party's voting unity are the unity of the opposing party and the difference between the parties in the preceding year. Moreover, we find strong links between party behavior in Congress and electoral outcomes: an increase in partisan influence on legislative voting has adverse electoral costs, while winning contested votes has electoral benefits. 相似文献
50.
A constitutional interpretation of the firm 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Adam Gifford Jr. 《Public Choice》1991,68(1-3):91-106
When members of a firm make firm-specific investments they will earn rents. Potential rent-seeking on the part of the owner of the firm and other employees reduces the value of an employee's firm-specific investment and, as a result, reduces the level of those investments. In this context the firm can be thought of as a set of interdependent relationships where the actions of any one individual can affect the rents of all others. The owner of the firm will desire to set up an institutional arrangement to protect the individual's property rights in specific investments as part of his effort to maximize profit. Establishing this institutional arrangement is similar to the establishment of a constitution by the state or other organization. This constitution protects the property rights of the members of the firm and as a result encourages the creation of property, that is, the firm-specific investments. The constitution of a firm consists of a set of interdependent explicit and implicit contracts between the firm and its various members, as well as mechanisms for enforcing and monitoring these contracts. As a practical matter, it is obvious that workers normally do not enjoy costless or near-costless mobility, and thus an ordinary “at will” employment contract may no longer be sufficient to induce workers to join a firm. If, in order to function productively within an enterprise, individuals have to accumulate, and pay for, firm-specific capital assets, the simple neoclasical logic fails (Furubotn, 1988: 167). 相似文献