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Winthrop University used its location in the Charlotte metropolitan area to develop a course that combined academic content with an experiential component during the Democratic National Convention. This article provides recommendations for planning logistics developing such a course for faculty who may wish to replicate this effort in future presidential election cycles. 相似文献
253.
Man Yee Karen Lee 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2017,25(1):89-108
Research on Hong Kong lawyers has so far focused on their internal differences and the rise of cause lawyering. Not much has been done on their role in promoting political liberalism. This paper fills a gap by reviewing the history of lawyers’ political activism before and after Hong Kong’s sovereignty shifted from a liberal-colonial to an authoritarian regime in 1997. It argues, first, that Hong Kong’s post-colonial constitutionalized politics and prolonged democratic deficit have given the legal complex—which includes lawyers and also increasingly legal academics—a key role in its pro-democracy movement, and second, critical political junctures have driven activist lawyers to use various means, from electoral politics to civil disobedience, to defend the rule of law and Hong Kong’s tortuous democratization. 相似文献
254.
Three main factors explain public support for EU membership: utilitarian expectations, the role of values and ideas, and class partisanship. In the Polish case, public opinion polls and issues more specific to Poland, such as the role of the Catholic Church, populist political parties and profound Euroscepticism among farmers, suggest that although these theoretical explanations overlap, each of them has a different explanatory value. The economic approach remains the best predictor of support for EU membership, and whereas values and identity are closely linked to and dependent upon economic expectations, the impact of national politics appears largely decoupled from Polish Euroscepticism. 相似文献
255.
Kimberley Thachuk Karen Saunders 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2014,20(3):361-378
Airborne illicit arms traffickers from the former Soviet space are resourceful and adaptable international criminals who have built complex air trafficking networks by successfully cultivating strategic connections in a number of geographically distant states. This paper examines the airborne arms trafficking operations of networks from former Soviet states which transfer weapons and ammunition to areas of conflict in Africa, embargoed African states, or those descending into conflict. As such, these arms traffickers brazenly circumvent international regulations by obscuring their air cargo operations and securing impunity through subornation, fraud, and exploitation of lax regulations. Importantly, they rely on strategic connections in former Soviet states for a steady supply of arms, on states such as UAE for relaxed oversight and free trade zones for transit, product warehousing, and laundering of proceeds, and on carefully-cultivated connections with “big men” and/or local fixers in African states for speedy delivery and payment. 相似文献
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This article highlights the results of a survey of 3,073 U.S. counties regarding court-connected programs for divorcing parents. Court-connected programs were identified in 541 counties. Information is provided on states' efforts at parent education for divorcing parents, including proliferation of programs, commonly used programs, court involvement in organization of programs, fees, and various attendance policies, including mandated attendance. The research establishes a base of information that reflects current practices, informs future research on program outcomes, and assists court systems to implement, change, and/or mandate education programs for divorcing parents. 相似文献
259.
Karen E. Ferree Smita Singh 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2006,40(4):31-54
We argue that there are strong reasons to believe that continuous competitive, multiparty elections produce different growth
dynamics than first competitive elections. We test this conjecture by looking at the effects of competitive elections and
their endurance on growth rates in African countries from 1970 to 2001. We find that initial competitive elections do not
offer a growth dividend over having no elections at all, although noncompetitive elections may result in a growth penalty.
However, over time, countries that hold competitive elections slowly begin outperforming those without them—especially those
that hold noncompetitive elections. Africa’s poor growth experience may therefore be related less to an unwillingness to experiment
with democracy, than to an inability to consolidate democratic reforms once in place.
Karen E. Ferree is assistant professor of political science at University of California, San Diego. She specializes in the
study of elections in new democracies, especially those in Africa. Her work has examined the political economy of elections
as well as the role of ethnicity in elections.
Smita Singh is Special advisor to Global Affairs at the William and Flora Hewlett Foudation. Her research interests include
the political economy of development and violence in Africa and Southeast Asia.
We wish to thank Robert Bates for support and advice at all stages of this project. Thanks also to Macartan Humphries, Naunihal
Singh, two anonymous reviewers, and the editors atStudies in Comparative and International Development for helpful comments. 相似文献
260.