Australian‐Asian Sociability,Student Activism,and the University Challenge to White Australia in the 1950s

During the 1950s, staff, students and graduates of Australian universities were increasingly critical of the racial restrictions on immigration, and their activism contributed to a broader government and community reassessment of the White Australia Policy. Personal experiences of cross‐cultural interactions between Australian students and an increasing number of international students from Asia, including those sponsored by the Australian government's Colombo Plan, underpinned the university challenge to immigration policy. Tertiary curriculum offering new academic interpretations of Asian history and decolonisation also contributed to a growing awareness among university‐educated Australians of Asia, and fostered empathy for its peoples. The publications of the Immigration Reform Group extended this critique of White Australia, and were driven by a moral indignation towards a policy that affected individuals personally known to the critics.     

Mitigating Mistrust? Participation and Expertise in Hydraulic Fracturing Governance

In Canada's Yukon Territory, a legislative committee was tasked with assessing the risks and benefits of hydraulic fracturing. The committee designed an extensive participatory process involving citizens and experts; however, instead of information access and public hearings fostering an open dialogue and trust, these two channels failed to de‐polarize debates over hydraulic fracturing. We argue that mistrust was reinforced because (1) weak participatory processes undermined the goals of public involvement, (2) scientific evidence and scientists themselves were not accepted as neutral or apolitical, and (3) strategic fostering of mistrust by actors on both sides of a polarized issue intensified existing doubt about the integrity and credibility of the process. The implications of a failure to restore trust in government are significant, not only for the issue of hydraulic fracturing, but for governance more broadly, as mistrust has spillover effects for subsequent public negotiations.     

机构改革与部委管理的国家局

主管部委与国家局之间的权责划分、工作协调等经常引发一些值得关注的问题。本文认为,可以考虑遵照分类对待、因事因时制宜、不搞一刀切的原则,逐步把部委管理的国家局"国务院直属机构化"或"部委内设局化",切实做到理顺关系、明晰权责、优化结构、提高效能。     

如何指导成人学员撰写毕业论文

目前,成人学员论文成绩呈下降趋势.应加强对学员课程论文的研究和实践,科学地组织、安排写作时间,及时补充更改论文题目,严格写作程序,加强指导教师与学员的沟通和交流、通过论文答辩来促进学员写作能力的提高.     

推行厂务公开要做到"三个到位"

厂务公开是落实全心全意依靠工人阶级的指导方针、实行民主管理的重要手段.实行厂务公开必须做到三个到位.认识到位是推行厂务公开的首要前提,制度到位是实行厂务公开的重要保证,运作到位是实施厂务公开的重要环节.     

The global stocktake: design lessons for a new review and ambition mechanism in the international climate regime

International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics - The pledge-and-review architecture of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change has been praised as a new model of global...     

反腐倡廉建设科学化的五个基本方面

党的十七届四中全会决定提出了"提高党的建设科学化水平"的重大命题.对党的建设提出了的新的更高的要求.反腐倡廉建设作为党的建设的重要组成部分,推进反腐倡廉建设科学化是党的建设科学化的题中应有之义.文章立足反腐倡廉建设的立体视角,系统构建了反腐倡廉建设科学化的基本框架和主要脉络,提出反腐倡廉建设科学化需要坚持廉政教育、制度建设、权力制约、打击惩处、方法手段等5个方面科学运作,统筹推进.     

亚洲区域合作的路径竞争及中国的战略选择

亚洲区域合作虽然被认为存在巨大潜在收益,但由于种种原因,在战后很长时间里一直未能取得实质性进展。1997年亚洲金融危机之后,亚洲合作开始在以东盟为中心的10+框架下推进,但很快就形成了10+3和10+6之间的路径争夺。从相关各方的利益考虑出发,本文认为,亚洲区域合作不同路径的竞争包含亚洲与非亚洲的利益争夺和中日之间关于主导权的竞争两个方面;同时东盟对自身地位的关注也在其中发挥着作用。结合这一判断以及对中国区域合作利益诉求的分析,本文对未来中国推动区域合作的战略提出了初步的建议。     

战后日本在亚太安全格局中的身份建构

战后,日本界定新的国家认同,重塑国家利益,重建在亚太安全格局中的身份。以日美同盟为平台和支柱,日本实现了冷战格局中的身份建构与转型,追逐着冷战后亚太地区秩序重建中的身份重构。日本已从低姿态专注于一国繁荣的小国,走向高姿态意欲主导亚太安全格局的大国。目前和将来的一段时期内,争取亚太安全格局的主导权仍是日本孜孜以求的战略目标和身份特征。然而,以日美同盟为基轴的身份建构模式,必然会使日本受到负面效应的冲击。日本在亚太安全格局中的身份建构过程,同时影响并部分建构着亚太安全格局。