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71.
With reference to South Asia, we argue that recourse to the conventional structuralist and transition accounts of democratisation sustains an unhelpful dichotomy. Those approaches tend towards either determinism or agent-driven contingency. In contrast, an alternative approach that recognises the relevance of both structure and agency is proposed. In certain circumstances, human agency opens up the possibility of the relatively rapid transformation of structures. In particular, there are periods of political openness when structures are malleable, and individuals, or individuals acting collectively, are able to reshape structures. Decolonisation both constituted a moment of transition and opened up the possibility of structural change in the context of enhanced elite agency. For the purposes of comparison, the discussion covers the three cases of India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. Particular attention is drawn to political parties and the structure of ethnic diversity as leading explanatory variables. 相似文献
72.
Jodi A. Irwin Jessica L. Saunier Philip Beh Katharine M. Strouss Carla D. Paintner Thomas J. Parsons 《Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series》2009,3(4):e119-e125
Entire mitochondrial control region sequences were generated from 377 unrelated individuals from urban Hong Kong. In line with other control region datasets from China, the sample from Hong Kong exhibited significant genetic diversity that was reflected in a random match probability of 0.19% and a mean pairwise difference of 13.14. A total of 305 haplotypes were identified, of which 262 were unique. These sequences will be made publicly available to serve as forensic mtDNA reference data for China. 相似文献
73.
Katharine Dommett 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(4):705-712
The regulation of digital technology is gaining increased attention within policy making circles. With growing recognition of the power held by digital media companies and the need to enforce democratic values online, policy makers are reviewing opportunities for oversight. Introducing a special section looking at the regulation of digital election campaigning, this article reviews the case for regulatory reform, the proposed type of regulatory change, and the practice of regulatory innovation. Noting the pace of digital change, it argues that there is a need to think more extensively about the design of any regulatory response in order to prevent systems of oversight becoming obsolete. 相似文献
74.
To conclude this special section, this article looks at the possible avenues for regulatory reform in the field of digital campaigning. Diagnosing the need for a multi-layered approach, we argue that action is needed from government, regulators, companies, and civil society. We take each actor in turn and consider the kind of change needed, the prospects for reform, and outline four recommendations for change. 相似文献
75.
76.
Eda Katharine Tinto 《Criminal justice ethics》2016,35(2):142-150
77.
This article examines the effects of hate speech laws in Australia. Triangulating data from primary and secondary sources, we examine five hypothesized effects: whether the laws provide a remedy to targets of hate speech, encourage more respectful speech, have an educative or symbolic effect, have a chilling effect, or create “martyrs.” We find the laws provide a limited remedy in the complaints mechanisms, provide a framework for direct community advocacy, and that knowledge of the laws exists in public discourse. However, the complaints mechanism imposes a significant enforcement burden on targeted communities, who still regularly experience hate speech. We find a reduction in the expression of prejudice in mediated outlets, but not on the street. We find no evidence of a chilling effect and we find the risk of free speech martyrs to be marginal. We draw out the implications of these findings for other countries. 相似文献
78.
ABSTRACTThe delivery of public services by a mix of government and non-governmental organizations can offer many public policy benefits. When direct governmental provision has predominated, however, achieving these benefits requires building the supply of non-governmental service providers, which requires understanding how to improve their availability and quality. Integrating the literature on contracting and mixed delivery, this article specifies three categories of supply-building tactics: creating markets, buying smart, and managing markets. We then report on 10 cities that have nurtured the supply of schools run by non-governmental organizations. We find that cities’ supply-building efforts fall along a continuum from passive to active, and they employ some types of tactics (creating markets, buying smart) more than others (managing markets). Differential changes in market share across the cities we studied suggest a relationship between supply-building activities and movement from exclusive governmental provision toward the mixed delivery of schools. These findings suggest hypotheses for future research on governmental efforts to build the supply and capabilities of non-governmental service providers in order to pursue mixed service delivery. 相似文献
79.
Scholars disagree whether local decision making is inherently more democratic and sustainable than centralized governance structures. While some maintain it is, due to the incorporation of local knowledge, citizen decision makers' closeness to the issues, and the benefits of participatory democracy, others find it as susceptible to issues of corruption and poor implementation as any other scale. We argue that with wetlands, a natural resource with critical local benefits, it is imperative to incorporate local governance, using the U.S. state of Connecticut as an example. Despite the American policy of No Net Loss, the local benefits of wetland resources cannot be aggregated on a national scale. Each local ecosystem needs wetland resources to ensure local ecological benefits such as flood control and pollution remission, as well as the substantial economic benefits of recreation. We illustrate the benefits of local control of wetlands with data from the American state of Connecticut, which consistently surpasses the federal wetland goal of No Net Loss due, we argue, to the governance structure of town‐level wetlands commissions. A national policy such as No Net Loss, where wetlands are saved or created in designated areas and destroyed in others, is insufficient when it ignores critical benefits for localities. The Connecticut system using local volunteers and unpaid appointees is a successful method for governing common‐pool wetland systems. In the case of Connecticut, we find that local decision making is not a “trap,” but instead an effective model of sustainable, democratic local governance. 相似文献
80.
Katharine Parton 《社会征候学》2014,24(4):402-419
An interactional participant's epistemic status relies on their access to “epistemic domains” which exist beyond the unfolding interaction in which they are expressed. Heritage argues that comparative access and epistemic status can be described along an “epistemic gradient” and that it is the expression of this status which, in the interaction, exists as the taking, aligning to, and challenging of epistemic stance. This paper describes some of the resources musicians use in interaction to encode the epistemic domains from which knowledge comes during orchestral rehearsal. As “sound-hearing” and “instrument-playing” are central to the work of musicians, the discussion will focus on how perceptions of auditory and corporeal experience are deployed as part of musicians' epistemic stance taking. I will argue that these epistemic stances, as expressions of graded and differential access to epistemic domains, form part of the construction of authority in orchestral rehearsal. 相似文献