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Internet advertisements have come under tremendous scrutiny recently for their potential to impact electoral outcomes. However, academic research has yet to determine if they have an effect on turnout. This article presents the results of a preregistered field experiment conducted in Dallas, Texas, in partnership with The Dallas Morning News in which individually targeted banner ads were able to generate a statistically significant increase in turnout among Millennial voters in a municipal election. The results show that a combination of information and voting reminder ads was effective, but only for voters in competitive districts. Estimated treatment effects were on par with a telephone mobilization campaign using live callers. These findings contribute to theoretical knowledge about the role of political knowledge and electoral competitiveness in voter mobilization, and offer a new method for testing online advertisements used by political campaigns. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTSworn law enforcement officers (N?=?151) were exposed to two different simulated lethal force encounters, a motorcycle-traffic-stop (MTS) and a workplace violence incident. Workplace violence incidents (WPV) consisted of two versions: an original version (WVO) and an enhanced version (WVE) with additional tactile and auditory stimuli within the simulation environment. Officers’ recognition memory (immediate and 48?h later), perceived stress, and physiological stress responses were examined. Delayed reporting led to impaired memory for event information in the MTS and perpetrator information in the WVE simulation. Moreover, perpetrator information was remembered more accurately than event information. Two physiological stress markers – alpha amylase and immunoglobulin-a – were correlated with memory for the simulated experiences; however, cortisol and interleukin-6 were not. These findings support current theory related to arousal and memory suggesting that officers should be interviewed as soon as reasonably possible after a lethal force incident. Implications for legal parameters in defining a ‘reasonable officer’ exerting lethal force are considered. 相似文献
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Bettina Shell‐Duncan Katherine Wander Ylva Hernlund Amadou Moreau 《Law & society review》2013,47(4):803-835
Although the international community has recently promoted legislation as an important reform strategy for ending female genital cutting (FGC), there exist divergent views on its potential effects. Supporters argue that legal prohibition of FGC has a general deterrent effect, while others argue legislation can be perceived as coercive, and derail local efforts to end the practice. This study examines the range of responses observed in rural Senegal, where a 1999 anti‐FGC law was imposed on communities in which the practice was being actively contested and targeted for elimination. Drawing on data from a mixed‐methods study, we analyze responses in relation to two leading theories on social regulation, the law and economics and law and society paradigms, which make divergent predictions on the interplay between social norms and legal norms. Among supporters of FGC, legal norms ran counter to social norms, and did little to deter the practice, and in some instances incited reactance or drove the practice underground. Conversely, where FGC was being contested, legislation served to strengthen the stance of those contemplating or favoring abandonment. We conclude that legislation can complement other reform strategies by creating an “enabling environment” that supports those who have or wish to abandon FGC. 相似文献
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Socorro Báez‐Molgado Ph.D. Abigail Meza Peñaloza Ph.D. M. Katherine Spradley Ph.D. Eric J. Bartelink Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(4):1050-1054
This study highlights complexities associated with postsurgical trauma interpretation of a 76‐year‐old female patient from a psychiatric institution in Mexico. The skeletal analysis identified complications from an unsuccessful surgical operation for an intertrochanteric fracture of the femur. An improperly placed surgical plate resulted in nonunion due to limited contact between fracture margins. However, it is unclear whether this resulted from surgical complications, ineffective postoperative care, or from the decedent's limited ability to follow postoperative care instructions. Additionally, failure of the plate resulted in degenerative changes to the acetabulum. These complications, associated with degenerative changes to upper limb joints, suggest significant mobility issues. The pattern of antemortem trauma and contextual information support a conclusion of postoperative medical neglect, a documented problem in psychiatric institutions in Latin America. This study provides insight into the relevance of detailed trauma assessment of skeletal remains in cases where neglect and human rights violations are suspected. 相似文献
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Katherine Brickell 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(9):1353-1370
The persistence of intra-household inequality is widely regarded as a ‘stubborn stain’ on development achievements and aspirations. As a key hindrance, this article considers gendered meanings of housework undertaken in male-headed households of Siem Reap, Cambodia. Encompassing cooking, cleaning and child-care as forms of unpaid labour performed in the home, the article uses in-depth interviews to reveal the differential discourses that men and women draw upon to explain current variances in the (non)-sharing of this work. It brings to the fore the diversity, and divergence, of meanings surrounding this everyday practice, discursive domains of domestic inequality which must inform future development interventions and programmes. Until such time that these underlying discourses are taken seriously in the development arena, the article argues that women's housework will remain largely tied to appeals to cultures, traditions and customs that guard against the ‘cleaning up’ of housework injustice. 相似文献
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Katherine A. S. Sibley 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(2):94-123
Between 1930 and 1945, the Soviet Union played a significant role in American domestic affairs. Although its agents’ infiltration of social movements and government agencies is well known, their parallel and highly successful practice of espionage against American industrial and military technology is less familiar. Washington officials were aware of Soviet spying, but mired in the Depression and then preoccupied with war, they mounted only a limited response, reflecting a political culture that did not emphasize active counterintelligence efforts. As a result, early Cold War revelations of unmistakable Soviet espionage shocked Americans, polarizing the Soviet‐American relationship and introducing a zealous domestic security apparatus. 相似文献