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421.
This reflection draws upon two recent ‘moments’ in British sexuality politics—a series of Parliamentary debates on Global LGBT rights and Brighton Pride’s campaign to ‘Highlight Global LGBT Communities’. It contrasts these two moments in order to demonstrate how, at a time when LGBT rights have ostensibly been ‘won’ in the UK, there is an increasing tendency to shift focus to the persecution of SOGI minorities elsewhere in the world. This shift in focus sets up a binary of here versus there that is politically persuasive but ultimately limited and limiting. By reflecting on the way that this growing trend of creating sexual politics elsewhere occurs in two very different locations in British politics and activism, we seek to begin a conversation about the relational affects of placing sexual politics ‘elsewhere’.  相似文献   
422.
Hobson K 《U.S. news & world report》2007,142(23):62, 65-66, 69
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When Marx proclaimed the importance of not just interpreting the world but actually changing it, he initiated an important imperative that has existed within all forms of critical theory up to today. Drawing upon the work of Theodor Adorno and Herbert Marcuse, we use their unique way of looking at the theory/praxis couplet as an avenue to rethink the role of critical theory as a form of “scholar-activism.” Theory, to paraphrase Adorno, lives on because the moment to realize it was missed; and it is because of this lack of immediate utility that theory occupies a space of resistance. Nonetheless, as Marcuse avered, theory itself may retreat into the privileged space of scholastic philosophy if it does not constantly engage activist movements that challenge the historical and social conditions of human oppression. In the first part of the essay, we will look at Adorno and Marcuse’s critical theories as well as their own political engagements to clarify the concept of critical theory as scholar-activism. In the second part of the essay, we will demonstrate the importance of this particular kind of scholar-activism in the context of (and against the logic of) the neoliberal university.  相似文献   
426.
Bruises are often difficult to detect on victims of violence, potentially impacting investigation and prosecution. The purpose of our randomized controlled trial was to measure the effectiveness of an alternate light source (ALS) within visible and long ultraviolet spectrums at improving bruise detection compared to white light over time. We also examined the effects of skin color, age, gender, localized fat, and injury mechanism on bruise detection. Participants included 157 healthy adults with balanced sampling across six skin color categories. Bruises were created under the controlled application of a paintball pellet and dropped weight to one upper and lower arm, respectively. Using a crossover design, both bruises were examined 21 times over 4 weeks. Ten different wavelength (350–535 nm) and filter (yellow, orange, red) combinations were used. Multilevel models were used to analyze 2903 examinations on both upper and lower arms. Results in multivariable models showed after controlling for other covariates 415 and 450 nm using a yellow filter had greater odds of detecting evidence of bruising than white light (Upper Arm: 415 nm: OR = 5.34, 95% CI: 4.35–6.56; 450 nm: OR = 4.08, 95% CI: 3.36–4.96). Under either light source, being female and having more localized fat had increased odds of detecting bruises created by the dropped weight (female: OR = 2.96, 95% CI: 2.37–3.70; fat: OR = 1.21, 95% CI: 1.09–1.34). Our results support ALS as an appropriate tool to enhance concurrent physical assessment of bruises in the presence of known history of injury. Future development and evaluation of clinical practice guidelines for ALS application are needed.  相似文献   
427.
The protests of December 2001 in Argentina were the most visible manifestation of a larger cycle of contention, which continues to have a substantial influence on the forms, tactics and goals of social movements throughout the country. This paper provides a critical overview of these lasting effects. In particular, we focus on three areas where the consequences of the crisis for collective action have been particularly strong: performative politics, coalition-building, and institutional support for grassroots networks. We conclude by reflecting on the implications for participatory democracy and the consolidation of a highly engaged civil society.  相似文献   
428.
Informal discussion plays a crucial role in democracy, yet much of its value depends on diversity. We describe two models of political discussion. The purposive model holds that people typically select discussants who are knowledgeable and politically similar to them. The incidental model suggests that people talk politics for mostly idiosyncratic reasons, as by-products of nonpolitical social processes. To adjudicate between these accounts, we draw on a unique, multisite, panel data set of whole networks, with information about many social relationships, attitudes, and demographics. This evidence permits a stronger foundation for inferences than more common egocentric methods. We find that incidental processes shape discussion networks much more powerfully than purposive ones. Respondents tended to report discussants with whom they share other relationships and characteristics, rather than based on expertise or political similarity, suggesting that stimulating discussion outside of echo chambers may be easier than previously thought.  相似文献   
429.
Like the forgotten memories of seminal events that purportedly lurk in the mind's subconscious, the buried substrata of a city can contain unresolved pasts, forgotten incidents that have shaped the present. And like memories, these buried artifacts can be painful once unearthed. Using Richmond, Virginia as a case, this article explores how the public reaction to a city's buried past serves as a map to the social worth of its citizens. Modern reactions to what is underground signal the relative status of modern groups; the treatment of the dead can be read as a code for modern race and class relations.  相似文献   
430.
The present study expands upon earlier work examining advertising as it relates to the construction of safety-related images in the automobile industry. Comparisons are made between automaker portrayal of vehicle safety in magazine advertising and their real-world safety-related performances. Such an analysis enables suggestions regarding, whether or not, the extent to which particular automakers demonstrate a misleading concern for safety and potentially produce false advertisements that violate the standards of law. In this sense, misleading claims related to automobile safety could be considered corporate deviance, particularly in relation to false advertising practices. This paper examines safety and vehicle marketing, a noted gap in recent literature, by looking at three magazine publications over the course of five?years and comparing the marketing strategies and assessing the extent to which automaker crash test evaluations correspond with their socially constructed, safety-based image. Our findings suggest that automakers are largely accurate in their advertising practices with regard to promoting and supporting safety claims.  相似文献   
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