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201.
Schiavone SK Jeglic EL 《International journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology》2009,53(6):679-695
This study examines the public perception of sex offender policies and the perceived impact of sex offender policies on the sex offenders themselves. Specifically, this study explores how the community feels about the effectiveness of policies such as registration and community notification (Megan's Law), and housing restrictions in reducing sexual recidivism. Data are collected from 115 participants from a nationwide online community message board. Results suggest that although most individuals support Megan's Law, they do not feel the policy reduces recidivism. Furthermore, the majority of the participants also do not believe that housing restriction statutes are effective in reducing sexual recidivism. When questioned about the policy impact on sex offenders, the majority of respondents agree that as a consequence of Megan's Law, sex offenders are afraid for their safety; however, they do not believe that residence restrictions hinder sex offenders' employment opportunities. Findings from this study are discussed as they pertain to public policy and sex offender reintegration. 相似文献
202.
European Journal of Political Research - 相似文献
203.
As part of a transcultural investigation of violent behavior in Argentina and Denmark, the lesions from accidents involving deliberate violence registered in the emergency wards of Hospital Fernandez and Hospital Pinero in Capital Federal Buenos Aires over a period of 13 and 17 months, respectively, were studied. Among the 281 victims entering the two emergency wards blunt violence without use of instruments was most often reported to be the violation method. Frequently indicated violation instruments against the male victims were batons (18.7%), sharp instruments (17.7%), and firearms (17.7%), the corresponding figures for female victims being 9.6%, 8.4% and 4.8%. The use of firearms and batons was considerably more pronounced in Argentina than in Denmark, particularly against male victims. A total of 373 primary and secondary diagnoses were reported from the patients, the most frequent diagnoses being contusions and open wounds in the head/neck region. Forty-three percent of the diagnoses were related to the head/neck region, being the most frequently injured region and the trunk the second most frequently injured region (30%). The degree of predominance of lesions in the head/neck region was much less than in the Danish material. Injuries of internal organs of the trunk were considerably more frequent in Argentina than in Denmark. Eighty-five percent of the victims had moderate or less serious lesions when assessed on the basis of the scores in the Abbreviated Injury Scale (AIS), (score less than or equal to 2). The AIS scores of the lesions in female victims were on average only slightly higher than those recorded in the Danish study, while 16.1% of the male Argentinian victims had lesions scored greater than or equal to 3 compared to 1.8% in male Danish victims. The need for treatment and hospitalization was more pronounced than in the Danish study. It may be concluded that the frequency of serious cases of deliberate violence probably would decrease if more restrictive rules for the possessing of firearms were enacted and enforced. 相似文献
204.
James E. Katz 《Society》1993,30(4):41-50
James E. Katz is a sociologist and a member of staff at Bellcore, the research and engineering arm of the regional telephone
companies. Among his books are Presidential Politics and Science Policy;and Congress and National Energy Policy.He has served as a Senate staff member. Research for this article was supported by the Carnegie Commission on Science, Technology,
and Government. 相似文献
205.
Richard S. Katz 《European Journal of Political Research》1997,32(6):211-226
The paper examines the perceptions that representatives and would–be representatives have of their roles as MEPs, what accounts for those differences and what impact they have on MEP behaviour. Three dimensions of role differences were identified. Two of them, AGENT and TRUSTEE can be found in most assemblies but a third, a federal/confederal distinction, is perhaps peculiar to the EU. Individual attitudes to Europe explained this one quite well, nationality explained differences on the AGENT dimension and left–right position provided some explanation for differences on the TRUSTEE role. The combination of role perceptions appear to have some impact on MEPs' activities. 相似文献
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209.
Laura Katz Olson 《New Political Science》2013,35(1):37-54
Health care reform in the US is relying extensively on Medicaid for achieving universal health coverage. This article addresses the question of whether Medicaid is an appropriate foundation for reducing the ranks of the uninsured, given its dependence on economic conditions and the vulnerability of state budgets, along with the ever-changing preferences of governors and legislators. This article assesses the effects of the ebb and flow of Medicaid policy-making on at‐risk populations and what this implies for the Affordable Care Act. By establishing a nationwide income floor at 133% of the Federal Poverty Level, the legislation eliminates eligibility inequities across the states. However, it is argued that when state budgets are strained, as they undoubtedly will be when the reform bill is fully implemented, local officials will downsize benefit packages, raise co-payments, mandate more managed care, and reduce provider payments, negatively affecting the availability, scope, and quality of services. 相似文献
210.