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排序方式: 共有211条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
61.
Abstract The article examines the role of governments in the transition in cable policy in the three largest media countries of Europe (Britain, France and Germany). In theoretical terms it is argued that the involvement of governments in determining the course of development of cable systems has comprised three main stages. In the first stage, governments tried to ignore cable and prevent the establishment of cable infrastructure. In the second stage, governments regulated the technology in order to promote a national cable policy and encourage the overall development of the broadcasting media. In the third stage, although at different speeds and perceptions, governments deregulated cable by giving permission to market forces to dominate cable's development and abandoning the social goals of cable policy. 相似文献
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European Journal of Political Research - 相似文献
63.
David P. Redlawsk Ira J. Roseman Kyle Mattes Steven Katz 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2018,28(2):173-189
ABSTRACTTheories of discrete emotions distinguish contempt from other negative emotions, and recent evidence shows that contempt toward candidates played a major role in two US Senate races in 2014. Contempt felt by respondents was the most significant emotion predicting voting against three of the four major party candidates, and had effects independent of other emotions, such as anger, anxiety, and hope. In the present paper, the 2016 Republican Iowa Caucus provides the opportunity to examine contempt in a different context: an intra-party primary campaign, where candidates share the important characteristic of party affiliation. We find that while voters perceived all leading GOP candidates as expressing at least some contempt, Donald Trump was seen as expressing the most contempt by far. Voters also felt contempt for at least some candidates of their own party. When they did so, it predicts significantly lowered probabilities of voting for Cruz, Trump, and Rubio, and increased probabilities of voting for one or more of their opponents. Implications of these findings for theory and research on the role of contempt and other specific emotions in voting behavior are discussed. 相似文献
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I Chilvarquer J O Katz D M Glassman T J Prihoda J A Cottone 《Journal of forensic sciences》1987,32(6):1645-1654
The objective of this study was to test the hypothesis that certain radiographic features can be found to distinguish between human and animal long bone fragments, and therefore would be useful as an adjunct in forensic science identification. Using proposed radiographic criteria, 13 archeologists and 12 dentists were asked to identify 20 radiographic samples as representing human or animal bone. Results showed that archeologists correctly identified 86.8% of the samples, and dentists correctly identified 81.9%. Based on the results of this study, it was concluded that radiographic interpretation of long bone fragments may be a useful aid in a forensic science investigation of human and animal remains. 相似文献
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This paper provides an explanation for the emergence of political extremism in an environment in which a change in “ré gime” requires an investment that benefits more than one player. We show that in order to mitigate the effects of free riding, players may choose extreme positions. Further, we show that as the free rider problem becomes more severe, both parties move to more extreme positions in the same direction. 相似文献
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Beginning in 1971, Malaysia took unprecedented steps to improve the welfare of ethnic Malays vis-à-vis the country's large Chinese minority. The programs included quotas in education, employment, and ownership, as well as a variety of subsidies, credit schemes, and political measures. The circumstances were favorable: The disadvantaged ethnic group was a majority and held the political reins, and soaring export prices generated much new growth to redistribute. But enormous efforts at “affirmative action” led to only marginal changes in the interethnic distribution of income. Malaysia's new policies reduced racial inequalities less than one might have hoped, but they also had fewer bad effects on economic efficiency and political stability than one might have feared. 相似文献
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