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421.
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Keith Ewing 《The Modern law review》2017,80(4):711-726
This note addresses the implications of R (Miller) v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union for the legal principle of parliamentary sovereignty, and argues that the strong restatement of the latter is the most significant feature of the decision. The aim here is to show how traditional principle in the Dicey tradition has been strongly applied against the competing claims of EU law, the royal prerogative, the referendum and devolution. However, the note also argues that the claims relating to parliamentary sovereignty could have produced a different result and that the most compelling feature of the case was the argument that was not forcefully put by the Government, namely that Parliament had already provided sufficient authority for the triggering of Article 50. 相似文献
423.
424.
Wailoo K 《Journal of health politics, policy and law》2004,29(4-5):643-59; discussion 1005-19
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426.
Suicide rates in prisons in England and Wales are high, including those in juvenile detention centers. Previous deliberate self-harm (DSH) is the strongest predictor of suicide in the general population. There is limited information on how many juvenile offenders (15 to 18 year-olds) have a history of DSH at the time of entering custody, or on factors associated with previous DSH. We aimed to determine the prevalence of previous DSH and suicidal ideation in a population of juvenile offenders in custody and to identify factors associated with DSH and suicidal ideation. Seven out of 45 subjects (15.6%) reported an act of DSH in the past. Twelve (26.6%) reported past suicidal ideation. Peer relationship difficulties and sexual abuse were significantly associated with DSH (p < 0.05). Other factors showed a trend toward being more common among those with DSH, but the premature ending of the project by the juvenile detention center prevented full investigation of the extent of DSH and associated factors. Nevertheless, the results indicated a much higher rate of DSH in this population than in young males in the community. A larger joint project with juvenile detention centers is required to confirm the extent of previous DSH at the time young offenders are admitted, and the associated risk factors, in order to assist prevention and intervention strategies. 相似文献
427.
Keith Leffler 《Law and human behavior》1983,7(2-3):183-192
In the last decade, the antityrust authorities have stricken one after another of the ethical rules of professional societies. Underlying this pokicy is the widelyaccepted notion that ethics are simply devices designed by the professions to limit competition and thereby to benefit their pecuniary interests. The antitrust assault does not consider the longstanding, nearly universal consumer support for controls on the activities of certain professions. In this paper, the narrow view ofcompetition adopted by the courts is assailed. Focusing on the case ofrestrictions on interactions between physicians and other nonmedical health care providers, some procompetitive effects of medical ethics are analyzed. Generally, professional ethics can only change the form of competition but not eliminate it. A proper legal policy requires recognition of the consumer concern with the form of competition and therefore requires a careful balancing of the beneficial competitive effects against any attendant limits on intraprofessional competition. 相似文献
428.
Keith Neilson 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》1998,9(1):53-88
Anglo-Russian relations during the period 1894-1914 were filled with incidents in large part stemming from the very different social and political frameworks of the two countries. The two countries had sharply differing traditions concerning individual liberty, freedom of the press and other such matters usually covered by the rubric of human rights. While the realities of great power politics forced the two countries to work together, it is not surprising that their collaboration was often marred by clashes of political and social sensibilities. 相似文献
429.
Syrett K 《Journal of health politics, policy and law》2003,28(4):715-746
The work of the National Institute for Clinical Excellence, an agency which has recently been created by Tony Blair's Labour government to provide guidance on best clinical practice to the National Health Service, has generated considerable controversy in the United Kingdom. It has been argued that the role which the institute plays in appraising cost effectiveness, especially of expensive new health technologies, constitutes explicit, national rationing. Although the employment of scientific and evidence-based criteria as the basis of decisions might have been expected to secure legitimacy for the institute--even when its recommendations have the effect of denying access to a particular treatment--the reaction to much of its work so far indicates that this goal has not been fully achieved. While alterations to structure and procedure may be considered as possible means of addressing the agency's difficulties, such proposals are not without problems. Consequently, in the final analysis, the British example may serve as a demonstration that the inherently political nature of priority-setting in health care precludes any easy technocratic solution. 相似文献
430.