Sharing governmental authority: Blue Cross and hospital planning in New York City.

Hospital planning in New York has been since the 1930s an intensely political process with high stakes. The leaders of Blue Cross and their allies used the hospital planning process in the city and the state as a means to extend and protect corporate authority in what they took to be the public interest. When Blue Cross was established in the 1930s, its leaders used the mechanisms of formal planning as part of their solution to pressing problems in the organization and distribution of hospital services. In the decade after World War II, Blue Cross had an immense impact on hospital planning in New York as a result of its growth and its underwriting policies. Conflicts between Blue Cross and state regulators beginning in the 1950s led to a new formulation of the politics of planning. Blue Cross became a partner with the state in regulating hospitals. The state and Blue Cross behaved as co-regulators until the 1980s. The interpretation in this paper revises the earlier accounts of health politics in New York by Law (1976) and Alford (1975).     

Toxic environmental factors in sudden infant death (SIDS)

The increasing number of discussions on the influence of toxic environmental factors, including SIDS, prompted systematic postmortem chemical-toxicological investigations to be carried out on 54 SIDS cases and 2 control cases of the same age group. Tissue levels of arsenic, lead, cadmium, mercury, and pentachlorphenol, as well as other organic noxious agents, were measured in several organs. In addition, the COHb concentrations were determined. In spite of the widely scattered values, the extreme levels measured and the arithmetic means and median averages of As, Pb, Cd, Hg, PCP, and COHb had no more range in concentrations than can be expected for toxic effects - according to present knowledge anyway. It was observed that infants from an urban environment showed no greater concentration of noxious agents than did infants from rural regions. There were also no differences between SIDS cases and the controls, nor was there a correlation between infections of the respiratory system that are often morphologically detected - including laryngitis - and higher concentrations of these agents in the organs of SIDS cases.     

Analysis of 2-hydroxyimipramine in an imipramine-related fatality

A fatality following ingestion of the tricyclic antidepressant imipramine (Novopramine), acetaminophen, and ethyl alcohol is described. Imipramine, desipramine, acetaminophen, and 2-hydroxyimipramine were quantitated by high performance liquid chromatography, and ethyl alcohol by gas liquid chromatography. Concentrations of imipramine, desipramine, 2-hydroxyimipramine, and acetaminophen were: in blood--9.0, 1.1, 3.9, and 11 mg/L; in urine--92, 14, and 42 mg/L (acetaminophen not quantitated in urine). Ethyl alcohol concentration in blood was less than 10 mg/dL and 105 mg/dL in the urine by headspace gas chromatography. These findings are compared to previous reports of imipramine-related fatalities. To our knowledge, this is the first fatality reported involving imipramine where analysis included quantitation of 2-hydroxyimipramine in blood and urine.     

Federalism Revised: The Promise and Challenge of the No Child Left Behind Act

Federalism in education has undergone significant changes since the Winter Commission. During the early 1990s, federal policy makers faced the challenge of organizational fragmentation and policy incoherence in public education. In the last 15 years, the intergovernmental system has evolved from one that is predominantly compliance‐driven to one that is performance based, as suggested by the congressional adoption of the No Child Left Behind Act in 2001. While the former is often characterized by images of “picket fence” federalism and administrative silos, the latter remains very much a work in progress, with the promise of raising academic proficiency. This paper first examines the paradigm shift and then considers emerging politics in intergovernmental relations. The author explores the ways in which state and local policy makers are altering the rules governing education service provision in response to performance‐based federal expectations.     

Policy Considerations for States Supporting Stem Cell Research: Evidence from a Survey of Stem Cell Scientists

Five states now provide funding for stem cell research, and many states are developing or debating stem cell research policies. Despite this interest, little data exist to help policy makers design policies or forecast the impact of new legislation. This article reports novel data from two surveys: one directed at those most affected by these policies—stem cell scientists—and one at a group of biomedical researchers working in less contentious fields. These data identified relatively high mobility among stem cell scientists, particularly in states with restrictive policies, and a strong preference for states with permissive policies. These findings suggest that state-specific policies may prove to be effective recruiting tools. They also suggest specific recruitment strategies and highlight the importance of first-mover advantage as states compete for the same limited pool of mobile scientists. This research aims to provide a factual basis to support ongoing policy formulation in the area.     

论冲突法上的适应问题

冲突法上的适应问题是一种法律关系的准据法同他种法律关系的准据法分别属于不同法律秩序时,应如何调整两者在适用上可能产生相互矛盾及不调和的问题。增强准据法的适应性或者说对准据法加以调整是当代冲突法的一个新动向。可以说,适应或调整程序浓缩了确定准据法的技术,冲突法上的某些制度本身就是适应观念的体现。在适应问题的解决方面,目前还难以制定统一的一般准则,总的来说,有冲突法的适应方法、实体法的适应方法和比较法的适应方法。适应问题不仅存在于法律适用阶段,而且也发生在管辖权协调和外国判决执行方面。     

Agenda Power in the Italian Chamber of Deputies, 1988–2000

We present strong evidence that governing coalitions in Italy exercise significant negative agenda powers. First, governing parties have a roll rate that is nearly 0, and their roll rate is lower than opposition parties' roll rates, which average about 20% on all final‐passage votes. Second, after one controls for distance from the floor median, opposition parties have higher roll rates than government parties. These results strongly suggest that governing parties in Italy are able to control the legislative agenda to their benefit. We also document significantly higher opposition roll rates on decree‐conversion bills and budget bills than on ordinary bills—results consistent with our theoretical analysis of the differing procedures used in each case.