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891.
Political Democracy: Conceptual and Measurement Traps 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
The movement toward democratic political systems in many nations in the 1980s has renewed interest in measurement of political
democracy. This paper calls attention to the problems that surround both the definition and measurement of political democracy.
The main conceptual problems are the failure to develop an adequate theoretical definition of this concept, the confounding
of the concept with others, and treating democracy as a binary rather than a continuous concept. Four problems of measurement
are: invalid indicators, subjective indicators, ordinal or dichotomous measures, and the failure to test reliability or validity.
The paper offers several suggestions to improve measurement as well as a warning about the danger of repeating past errors.
Kenneth A. Bollen is a professor of sociology at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. His major research interests
are in international development and statistics. He is the author ofStructural Equations with Latent Variables (1989), published in John Wiley's Series in Probability and Mathematical Statistics. 相似文献
892.
INTRODUCTION: SPORTS LAW? 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Kenneth L. Shropshire 《American Business Law Journal》1998,35(2):181-184
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The present experiment examined some of the key psychological issues associated with electronic media coverage (EMC) of courtroom trials. Undergraduate student subjects served as eitherwitnesses orjurors in one of three types of trials:EMC, in which a video camera was present; conventional media coverage (CMC), in which a journalist was present; or, ano-media control, in which no media representative or equipment was present. Students who served as witnesses first viewed a 5-min videotape of a reenacted armed robbery. Days later, these students testified as witnesses to the crime in front of a jury of peers. Measures assessed the following: witness and juror attitudes toward EMC, witness report and juror perceptions of nervousness and media distraction, juror perceptions of witness testimony, and witnesses' ability to accurately recall aspects of the crime event. Results showed that EMC witnesses and jurors had significantly more favorable attitudes toward EMC than participants in the other two conditions. And, although EMC witnesses and jurors both reported greater witness nervousness, distraction, and awareness than those in the CMC condition, the EMC experience did not impair witnesses' ability to accurately recall the details of the crime or witnesses' ability to communicate effectively. The psychological and legal policy implications of these findings are discussed. 相似文献
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During 20013, Malawi's United Democratic Front governmentattempted to secure a constitutional amendment to allow PresidentBakili Muluzi to stand for a third term in office. A significantfactor in the failure of this attempt was the opposition ofMalawi's churches. Having played a prominent role as midwivesof the democratic dispensation inaugurated in 199394at the end of Kamuzu Banda's autocratic rule, the churches continueten years later to play an integral role in the nurturing anddevelopment of democratic politics. This article offers a surveyof the statements issued by the churches and an analysis oftheir role in the defeat of the third-term proposal. It is notedthat Malawi's churches have come to regard themselves as custodiansof democratic values, champions of the constitution and spokespersonsfor the people. The significance of appeal to the Bible is assessedand the churches' emerging challenge to the politics of patronageis examined. It is argued that, within civil society, the churcheshave proved to be the most effective agent in challenging theruling elite. The unity and unanimity with which they opposedthe third-term bid is identified as the key to their effectiveness. 相似文献
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How does public opinion affect presidential policymaking? We address this issue by testing a diverse set of hypotheses with data concerning a set of individual policies across time. In particular, the data revolve around presidential budgetary proposals on a set of major policy issues for which there are recurring surveys on citizens' preferences over spending. The analysis suggests that presidents are more responsive to mass opinion on issues that are familiar to citizens in their everyday lives. Also, for reelection‐seeking presidents, responsiveness is shown to depend upon two key political factors. First, presidents are more responsive to public opinion when the next election is imminent. Second, the effect of presidential popularity is nonmonotonic; presidents with average approval ratings are most likely to adopt policy positions congruent with public opinion, whereas presidents with approval ratings that are significantly above or below average have the greatest propensity to take unpopular positions. 相似文献