全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1342篇 |
免费 | 58篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 98篇 |
工人农民 | 72篇 |
世界政治 | 118篇 |
外交国际关系 | 73篇 |
法律 | 633篇 |
中国政治 | 23篇 |
政治理论 | 373篇 |
综合类 | 10篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 7篇 |
2022年 | 7篇 |
2021年 | 16篇 |
2020年 | 23篇 |
2019年 | 39篇 |
2018年 | 47篇 |
2017年 | 60篇 |
2016年 | 49篇 |
2015年 | 30篇 |
2014年 | 42篇 |
2013年 | 263篇 |
2012年 | 38篇 |
2011年 | 53篇 |
2010年 | 48篇 |
2009年 | 37篇 |
2008年 | 56篇 |
2007年 | 49篇 |
2006年 | 50篇 |
2005年 | 45篇 |
2004年 | 39篇 |
2003年 | 26篇 |
2002年 | 40篇 |
2001年 | 25篇 |
2000年 | 22篇 |
1999年 | 20篇 |
1998年 | 18篇 |
1997年 | 19篇 |
1996年 | 18篇 |
1995年 | 13篇 |
1994年 | 15篇 |
1993年 | 22篇 |
1991年 | 11篇 |
1990年 | 10篇 |
1989年 | 10篇 |
1988年 | 8篇 |
1987年 | 9篇 |
1986年 | 12篇 |
1985年 | 10篇 |
1984年 | 15篇 |
1983年 | 5篇 |
1982年 | 9篇 |
1981年 | 8篇 |
1980年 | 4篇 |
1979年 | 10篇 |
1978年 | 4篇 |
1976年 | 6篇 |
1975年 | 4篇 |
1969年 | 3篇 |
1968年 | 4篇 |
1967年 | 5篇 |
排序方式: 共有1400条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
191.
Santina Tonizzo Kevin Howells Andrew Day Daniel Reidpath Irene Froyland 《Journal of family violence》2000,15(2):155-167
This study investigated the association between family violence and the attributions made for negative partner behaviors in an Australian context. Three groups of men were classified as physically violent (in counseling), non-physically violent (in counseling), and non-physically violent (in the community). The Relationship Attribution Measure was used to assess the attributional dependent variables of locus, stability, globality, intent, motivation, and blame. Significant differences between violent and nonviolent men on each of the attributional dimensions were found. Physically violent men were more likely than non-physically violent men (counseling) to attribute the negative behavior of their partners to unchangeable, intentional rather than unintentional, selfishly motivated, and blameworthy causes. However, these differences disappeared when marital satisfaction was controlled. The implications of this work for domestic violence intervention programs are discussed, along with a number of methodological issues and directions for future research. 相似文献
192.
Abstract. Drawing on the political theories of corporatism, neo–liberalism and pluralism, and on comparative empirical research in Brussels, Germany, Sweden and the UK, this article conceptualises the nature of Europeanised medicines regulation. It argues that a marketisation of regulation has been established in the European Union as a result of competition between national regulatory agencies for 'regulatory business' from the pharmaceutical industry. In the pharmaceuticals sector the Europeanised regulatory state is a product of three key factors: (a) the European Commission's commitment to an 'efficiency' regime which would meet the political objectives of a single European market and the commercial agendas of transnational pharmaceutical companies, (b) the endemic corporate bias associated with medicines regulation in the most influential member states, and (c) the considerable success of neo–liberal politics across a number of major member states, including Germany, Sweden and the United Kingdom. 相似文献
193.
Conclusion No international agreement has been completely effective in reducing slavery. This stems in part from the evolution of slavery
agreements and the inclination on the part of the authors of conventions to include other practices as part of the slavery
defintion, resulting in a confusion of the practices and definitions of slavery. What has been missing is a classification
that is dynamic and yet sufficiently universal to identify slavery no matter how it evolves. We have attempted to build on
theories and examples to clarify the identification of slavery by focusing on an irreducible core of three elements. Assessing
the presence of all three can then be applied to a variety of social relationships: first, the complete control of one personal
by another; second, appropriation of labor power; and third, the enforcement of these conditoins by threats or acts of violence.
Many practices identified in international agreements have some but not all of these three aspects; all three are present
in traditional forms of slavery, bonded labor, forced prostitution, and sexual slavery. Effective research and legislation
against slavery is important, as it affects an estimated 27 million people worldwide, and as slavery is on the increase now
that many developing countries are forced to compete for income in a global economy. Finally it is important to remember that
slavery, like all social and economic relationships, evolves over time. Any definition that is based on a historical form
of slavery will soon lose its power to capture new forms of slavery within its aegis. Our understanding and our definition
of slavery must become as dynamic as the phenomenon itself.
This article draws upon a report made to the United Nations Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery, prepared by Anti_Slavery
International and Professor David Weisbrodt. (See Report of the Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery on Its Twenty-Third
Session, UN Doc./E/CN.4/Sub.2/1988/14, para. 22 (1998). Michael Dottrigher Director of Anti-Slavery International, was a lead
author of that report. Norah Gallagher also provided important research, along with Matthew Armbrecht, Marcela Kostihova,
and Mary Thacker. Production of the report was supported in part by Kevin Bales. Caroline Tendall aided the editing of this
article. 相似文献
194.
Kevin Moloney 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2001,1(2):124-135
Spin is the current dominant form of political presentation in the UK. Politics and presentation are inseparable and before the 1980s, political presenters were less aggressive towards and more respectful of journalists as watchdogs of politics. Labour introduced spin as a defensive response to editorial hostility but since New Labour came to terms with Thatcherism, spin has been used for the offensive promotion of policy. Changes in journalism, particularly a blurring treatment of fact and opinion, were an incubatory environment for spin. Moreover, the term became part of lay language and its vocabulary is deployed as a scrutiny of politicians via ridicule and satire. Conceptually, ‘spin’ can be characterised as an exchange or contest between information and publicity, with contingencies influencing where any presentation lies on that continuum. Wherever it falls, spin demeans elected politicians and tends to reduce their status to celebrities. That reduction is a cost too high for privileging presentation over policy and ought to be reversed. Copyright © 2001 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
195.
196.
Kevin M. Quinn Burt L. Monroe Michael Colaresi Michael H. Crespin Dragomir R. Radev 《American journal of political science》2010,54(1):209-228
Previous methods of analyzing the substance of political attention have had to make several restrictive assumptions or been prohibitively costly when applied to large-scale political texts. Here, we describe a topic model for legislative speech, a statistical learning model that uses word choices to infer topical categories covered in a set of speeches and to identify the topic of specific speeches. Our method estimates, rather than assumes, the substance of topics, the keywords that identify topics, and the hierarchical nesting of topics. We use the topic model to examine the agenda in the U.S. Senate from 1997 to 2004. Using a new database of over 118,000 speeches (70,000,000 words) from the Congressional Record , our model reveals speech topic categories that are both distinctive and meaningfully interrelated and a richer view of democratic agenda dynamics than had previously been possible. 相似文献
197.
The paper presents a game-theoretic representation of a general terrorist organization (GTO) that delegates responsibility to local terrorist representatives in n countries. The GTO achieves a strategic advantage by deploying a more radical representative when the government is perceived to be weak and terrorist supporters are committed. When the government or terrorist supporters alter their posture, the GTO may regret its local representative. Outside assistance can change a besieged government’s posture, thereby removing the GTO’s delegation advantage. When both the GTO and the government delegate to surrogates, the delegators are worse off if the government appears to be weak. 相似文献
198.
David Lewis 《冲突、安全与发展》2010,10(5):647-671
The victory by the Sri Lankan government over the LTTE in 2009 apparently ended over 25 years of civil war. However, the ramifications of the government's counter-insurgency go far beyond Sri Lanka's domestic politics. The military campaign against the LTTE poses a significant challenge to many of the liberal norms that inform contemporary models of international peace-building—the so-called ‘liberal peace’. This article suggests that Sri Lanka's attempts to justify a shift from peaceful conflict resolution to counter-insurgency relied on three main factors: the flawed nature of the peace process, which highlighted wider concerns about the mechanisms and principles of international peace processes; the increased influence of ‘Rising Powers’, particularly China, in global governance mechanisms, and their impact on international norms related to conflict management; and the use by the government of a discourse of counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency to limit international censure. The article concludes that the Sri Lankan case may suggest a growing contestation of international peace-building norms, and the emergence of a legitimated ‘illiberal peace’. 相似文献
199.
Claire Abernathy Kevin M. Esterling Justin Freebourn Ryan Kennedy William Minozzi Michael A. Neblo Jonathan A. Solis 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2019,44(4):617-646
Telephone town halls are an increasingly prevalent method for members of Congress (MCs) to communicate with constituents, even while garnering popular criticism for failing to facilitate engagement and accountability. Yet scholars have paid little attention to the events and their effects, and even less to how they might be improved. To remedy this problem, we report on a field experiment in which four MCs joined their constituents in telephone town halls. Overall, participation in an event improved constituents’ evaluations of the format in general, and of the MC in particular. Furthermore, we studied how these events might be improved by evaluating a reform—a single‐topic focus with predistributed briefing materials—designed to enhance deliberative interaction. This reform enhanced effects on opinions of the format without significantly altering effects on attitudes toward the MC. Our results suggest that telephone town halls hold promise for constituents, officeholders, and democratic practice. 相似文献
200.
Ratcliffe Jerry H. Lattanzio Matthew Kikuchi George Thomas Kevin 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2019,15(1):67-76
Journal of Experimental Criminology - To examine whether the introduction of an acoustic gunshot detection system (AGDS) allied to CCTV cameras increased the frequency of confirmed incidents of... 相似文献