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51.
Ailsa Henderson Steven D. Brown S. Mark Pancer Kimberly Ellis-Hale 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2007,36(7):849-860
In 1999, the Ontario provincial government introduced into its high school curriculum a requirement that students complete
40 h of volunteer community service before graduation. At the same time, the high school curriculum was shortened from five
years to four. Consequently, the 2003 graduating class of Ontario high school students contained two cohorts, the first of
the 4-year cohorts that was compelled to complete a mandated community service requirement, and the last of the 5-year cohorts
that was not. Using a quasi-experimental design, we surveyed 1768 first-year university students in terms of their perceptions
and attitudes about the nature and amount of previous volunteering, attitudes towards community service, current service involvement
and other measures of civic and political engagement. Comparisons of the two cohorts indicate that, while there were discernible
differences between the two cohorts in terms of their past record of community service, there were no differences in current
attitudes and civic engagement that might plausibly be attributed to participation in the mandatory service program. Results
are discussed with relation to the current debate concerning the impact of mandatory volunteering policies on intrinsic motivation
to volunteer.
相似文献
Kimberly Ellis-HaleEmail: |
52.
Marten Breuer 《Journal für Rechtspolitik》2010,18(4):223-229
In seiner jüngeren Rechtsprechung bedient sich der EGMR in zunehmendem Maße rechtsvergleichender Argumente. Eine Differenzierung zwischen einfachrechtlicher und verfassungsrechtlicher Rechtsvergleichung findet dabei allerdings nicht statt. Der Beitrag versucht, die vorliegende Judikatur zu systematisieren und auf diese Weise einen ersten Schritt auf dem Weg hin zum angemahnten dogmatischen Konzept im Umgang mit verfassungsvergleichenden Argumenten bei der Auslegung der EMRK zu unternehmen. 相似文献
53.
Kimberly Barsamian Kahn Jean M. McMahon Greg Stewart 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2018,33(1):45-54
This paper compares police trainings and materials on pre-attack indicators in police-citizen interactions with similar behavioral indicators of stereotype threat, which is not necessarily a sign of danger. Stereotype threat is a social identity threat in which individuals feel that they may be judged or treated negatively based on a social group stereotype (Steele 1997). This psychological threat can increase the target’s anxiety, physiological arousal, and decrease cognitive capacity. We hypothesize that symptoms of stereotype threat might be similar to pre-attack indicators being taught to police in the USA, which can lead police to potentially misinterpret a citizen’s actions. Using a deductive content analysis, three coders analyzed a sample of pre-attack indicator police trainings for three indicators of stereotype threat: anxiety, arousal, and reduced cognitive capacity. Results found significant overlap between danger indicators taught in trainings and stereotype threat indicators. All 15 identified trainings contained at least one of the three indicators of stereotype threat, and 13 contained at least two indicators. None of the trainings discussed stereotype threat. We argue that stereotype threat should be taught in addition to relevant indicators of danger in trainings, lest officers misinterpret citizens’ stereotype threat-related behaviors solely as manifestations of imminent danger. 相似文献
54.
To date, there has been very little research into the phenomenon of female-perpetrated institutional child sexual abuse (CSA). This study explored 71 cases of CSA perpetrated by women working with children, considered by UK police and courts between 2000 and 2016. Qualitative and quantitative content analysis was employed to examine court reports, professional regulatory body decisions, media reports and an online sentencing database in order to identify perpetrator and victim characteristics, the nature of the offending behaviour, modus operandi and criminal justice system responses. Findings indicate most women offended alone and had no previous criminal or employment records of concern. Victims were typically male and 15–16 years old. Most women received custodial sentences, typically of 2–3 years in length. Implications for policy and practice are also discussed. 相似文献
55.
Kimberly L. Barrett Michael J. Lynch Michael A. Long Paul B. Stretesky 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2018,43(3):530-550
Studies that assess the impact of monetary penalties on environmental compliance have yielded mixed results. While some studies suggest fines deter future violations other studies find that fines do little to encourage compliance. This longitudinal study examines the impact of the dollar amount of fines on compliance with environmental laws among major facilities in the state of Michigan (n?=?37). Results from a mediation analysis suggest that while noncompliance may slightly decrease immediately following a fine there are few changes to a firm’s long term compliance behavior. Furthermore, analyses of these data suggest that total fines levied prior to the most recent fine actually have a positive relationship with noncompliance. We suggest these results imply a decaying effect of deterrence that is perhaps connected to the organizational structure of the treadmill of production. 相似文献
56.
Although people tend to mobilize around local problems and restrict their political involvement at other times, the political communication literature generally has focused on national politics and elections. This is particularly surprising in investigations of political involvement since it is at the community level that people should feel more efficacious. Also, both mass and interpersonal communication should be more significant locally given their importance in strengthening community ties. The study reported here focuses on these relationships in a community context, with a survey of six inner-city neighborhoods and six suburbs classified on status using location and census data. Results point to a much more positive role for the media in community politics. Those most likely to rely on neighborhood newspapers as sources are less disillusioned with government, suggesting that the most "grassroots" of print media are more efficacious in their impact than the other channels. Also, readership of a daily newspaper is particularly strong as a predictor of both community political involvement and faith in community civic involvement. Results of the macro analysis suggest that urban sprawl may have consequences for how media affect political involvement. In the data here, distance from the center city and stratification are closely tied--the further out the community, the higher its status. Results by neighborhood structure indicate media specialization as well as a greater dependence on media versus interpersonal influence in the political arena. Thus, we see that political involvement and attitudes are more strongly related to reading the daily newspaper in the more distant suburbs than in the center city. 相似文献
57.
Kimberly Kessler Ferzan 《Law and Philosophy》2013,32(2-3):177-198
In The Ends of Harm, Victor Tadros claims that the general justifying aim of the criminal law should be general deterrence. He also takes seriously that we cannot use people as a means, and thus he argues that we may only punish people in the name of general deterrence who have a ‘duty’ to suffer. Tadros claims that this duty arises as follows: An offender initially has a duty not to harm the victim. If the offender violates that duty, the offender still has a duty to stop the harm from occurring (so that, for example, an offender would have to jump in front of his own bullet). And if the harm does occur, then the offender has a duty to rectify that harm. This duty to rectify, argues Tadros, requires the defendant not only to compensate the victim but also to protect the victim to the extent that he would have been able to have been harmed to prevent the threat from occurring. Tadros further advances intricate arguments for why the state may therefore punish the offender to protect other potential victims to the extent of the offender’s duty to rectify. This symposium contribution seeks to explore three problems with Tadros’ analysis, ultimately arguing that Tadros’ theory fails on its own terms. First, attempts present a substantial problem for Tadros’ regime because attempts do not give rise to duties to prevent harm because there is no harm to be prevented. Tadros’ attempt to account for attempts, as completed offenses of diversions of security resources, ultimately leads to punishments that bear little resemblance to the crime attempted. Such a wildly counterintuitive result creates problems for a regime premised on general deterrence, which must be understood and respected. Second, Tadros’ regime will often exempt the rich from suffering criminal punishment. Tadros claims that duties to prevent harms from occurring (by jumping in front of bullets) are only enforceable when compensation will be inadequate. However, affluent offenders may be able to fully compensate. Moreover, since the scope of the duty to suffer will be determined by what remains of the duty after the victim is compensated, affluent offenders will be able to compensate more and thereby suffer less. Again, the actual sentences will thereby bear little resemblance to the rationale for criminalization, thus threatening the deterrent message of the law. Moreover, a system that exacerbates distributive inequalities will not achieve public respect. Third, Tadros cannot justify taking the duty that the defendant owes to the victim and forcing the victim to transfer this asset to the state. In his quest to articulate a theory that does not impermissibly use defendants, he ultimately endorses a theory that impermissibly uses their victims. He thus fails to achieve the very goal he sets for himself, which is to achieve general deterrence without impermissibly using anyone. 相似文献
58.
59.
Political Behavior - What will motivate citizens to support efforts to help those in need? Charitable organizations seeking support for their cause will often use the story of a specific individual... 相似文献
60.
Antoinette L. Laskey M.D. M.P.H. Kelly L. Haberkorn M.P.H. Kimberly E. Applegate M.D. M.S. Michele J. Catellier M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2009,54(1):189-191
Abstract: Recommendations for the evaluation of an unexplained death in infancy include a postmortem skeletal survey (PMSS) to exclude skeletal trauma. Objectives of this study were to assess adherence to these recommendations in forensic autopsies in children equal to or less than 36 months of age, and what factors influence the use or nonuse of the PMSS. We surveyed pathologists who were members of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences. The survey included practice characteristics about where, when, and how PMSS were done. Nearly all respondents (99.6%) indicated they performed PMSS at least some of the time; however, almost a third did not use PMSS for all suspected Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS), abuse, unsafe sleep, or undetermined causes of death. Despite evidence that “babygrams” are inappropriate in a SIDS workup, 30% of pathologists use them preferentially. Despite SIDS being a diagnosis of exclusion that requires a PMSS, almost 10% of pathologists do not order a PMSS. Future research is necessary to reduce barriers to this important component of the pediatric forensic autopsy. 相似文献