太原市外企公司诉“山西日报社”案之法理分析——兼论一般条款于民事责任之意义

<山西日报>巨额赔偿案引起了社会各界的普遍关注,学者们多认为不符合新闻侵权之要件,现行立法更无相应的权利类型可以适用,但被告的行为排除若干细节及证据是否属实问题却基本符合侵权行为的要件,为此引入纯粹经济损失的理论,希冀为司法实践解决此问题另辟蹊径.     

刍论中国共产党执政体制改革的性质定位和指导思想

改革完善党的执政体制是一项艰巨复杂的系统工程。在我国现实国情、党情条件下,党的执政体制构成国家政治体制的核心与支柱。执政体制改革本质上是社会主义政治制度的自我完善。必须坚持以马列主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论和"三个代表"重要思想为指导,全面贯彻落实科学发展观,按照科学执政、民主执政、依法执政的目标和要求,自觉探讨共产党执政规律,直面现实、勇于创新,积极稳妥地改革完善党的执政体制。     

对目前越南经济形势的分析及广西的应对建议

2008年以来,越南金融领域出现了货币贬值、通货膨胀、股市下跌等一系列动荡,鉴于越南新兴经济体的地位,引起了国际国内诸多评论。越南作为9年多来广西的第一大贸易伙伴,自然也引起了广西各方的关注。那么,越南金融动荡后的经济形势会如何发展,对我国特别是对广西的影响程度如何,广西应该如何应对,本文试就这些问题进行一些分析。     

法的价值研究及方法刍议

法的价值是法和法律制度的重要因素和特质,也是法学理论中的难点问题.法律实践和法学理论的许多同题都需要研究法的价值问题,而法的价值的研究方法制约着法的价值研究的深入.只有通过认识主体与客体之阃的关系,坚持主体需要的客观性、阶级性和社会性,采用从主体需要入手的方法,才能正确认识和诠释法的价值问题.     

高校工会工作面临的问题及对策研究——以合肥市8所高校工会为例

本文以合肥市8所高校工会为例,针对当前我国高校工会工作的现状和面临的主要问题,提出了加强党的领导、加强工会干部队伍建设和提高工会服务能力等做好新时代高校工会工作的建议.     

日本环境友好型生活方式的立法培育经验及对我国的启示

促进公众形成环境友好型的生活方式,是建设环境友好型社会的必然要求。环境资源问题在中国和日本均已成为制约经济和社会进一步发展的瓶颈。日本在培育国民形成环境友好型生活方式方面取得了很好的成效。从法律上来看,该国的经验在于制定了完备的立法体系,并在责任分配、教育说服、公众行为的引导和综合性法律调整四个方面规定了切实有效的法律制度。我国的相关立法不完善,制度的建设也存在欠缺。因此,在技术层面上定向地借鉴日本的成熟经验,按照我国的经济基础、环境状况、环境文化和国民生活方式等基本国情,逐步完善相关的立法和制度是必要的。实践证明也是可行和有效的。     

Restructuring structured analytic techniques in intelligence

Structured analytic techniques (SATs) are intended to improve intelligence analysis by checking the two canonical sources of error: systematic biases and random noise. Although both goals are achievable, no one knows how close the current generation of SATs comes to achieving either of them. We identify two root problems: (1) SATs treat bipolar biases as unipolar. As a result, we lack metrics for gauging possible over-shooting—and have no way of knowing when SATs that focus on suppressing one bias (e.g., over-confidence) are triggering the opposing bias (e.g., under-confidence); (2) SATs tacitly assume that problem decomposition (e.g., breaking reasoning into rows and columns of matrices corresponding to hypotheses and evidence) is a sound means of reducing noise in assessments. But no one has ever actually tested whether decomposition is adding or subtracting noise from the analytic process—and there are good reasons for suspecting that decomposition will, on balance, degrade the reliability of analytic judgment. The central shortcoming is that SATs have not been subject to sustained scientific of the sort that could reveal when they are helping or harming the cause of delivering accurate assessments of the world to the policy community.     

North Korea and the East Asian Security order: competing views on what South Korea ought to do

This article investigates South Korean views on how to deal with the two major security issues regarding North Korea: its nuclear threat and regime instability. In this Special Section, the article analyzes the ongoing debate in South Korea over the government's policy toward North Korea in regard to these two issues. It argues that uncertainties about these two major issues are shaping the regional order in East Asia. In particular, the different levels of cooperation between South Korea and the United States may affect the regional security order in East Asia. In analyzing policy options available to South Korea, the riskiest option would be to employ early preemptive attacks and accelerate the collapse of North Korea given the security dilemma-driven action?reaction in East Asia. Given that the role of China has become the most crucial factor in dealing with North Korea, the most promising strategy would be to reinforce guarantees of extended nuclear deterrence and prompt a soft-landing unification.     

The political economy of global firms from India and China

This article attempts to build a bridge between contemporary studies of global firms from emerging economies and existing theories in comparative political economy. It argues that given the primacy of the state as an economic actor in developing countries, the variety of capitalism literature could provide a theoretical foundation for firm-level analyses of emerging market multinationals. For example, the authors suggest that China and India may be moving towards a ‘hybrid market economy’. They also offer a typology of Indian and Chinese corporates to demonstrate an empirical approach to analysing domestic business–government relationships and the ways in which these firms are shaped by the peculiarities of their respective institutional setting. Finally, they identify some of the likely pitfalls of doing cross-national comparisons of emerging market multinationals, particularly with respect to the reliability of corporate data.     

Does China’s middle class prefer (liberal) democracy?

Many surveys show that China’s political regime, under the Chinese Communist Party’s authoritarian rules, enjoys a high level of public support. However, it is still uncertain whether China’s emerging middle class will become the “agent of democratization” as suggested by modernization theory. Using the data of Asian Barometer Survey conducted in China in 2011, this article demonstrates that the relationship between class identity and preference for liberal democracy in China may be inverted U-shaped. The Chinese middle class shows a higher preference to features of liberal democratic regimes than its counterparts of the lower- and upper-class. Members of the Chinese middle class also tend to regard democracy as the best form of government. Thus, the middle class has the potential to initiate democratization in China if the Chinese government fails to keep satisfying the middle class’ quest for economic well-being and protection of property rights.