首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   806篇
  免费   37篇
各国政治   69篇
工人农民   16篇
世界政治   91篇
外交国际关系   78篇
法律   346篇
中国政治   8篇
政治理论   230篇
综合类   5篇
  2023年   6篇
  2022年   5篇
  2021年   9篇
  2020年   19篇
  2019年   19篇
  2018年   35篇
  2017年   34篇
  2016年   32篇
  2015年   22篇
  2014年   30篇
  2013年   137篇
  2012年   17篇
  2011年   30篇
  2010年   19篇
  2009年   27篇
  2008年   29篇
  2007年   47篇
  2006年   43篇
  2005年   19篇
  2004年   22篇
  2003年   24篇
  2002年   22篇
  2001年   14篇
  2000年   15篇
  1999年   15篇
  1998年   13篇
  1997年   15篇
  1996年   7篇
  1995年   12篇
  1994年   3篇
  1993年   8篇
  1992年   15篇
  1991年   9篇
  1990年   4篇
  1986年   3篇
  1985年   5篇
  1984年   3篇
  1983年   4篇
  1980年   6篇
  1979年   3篇
  1978年   4篇
  1977年   4篇
  1975年   3篇
  1974年   2篇
  1973年   2篇
  1972年   3篇
  1971年   2篇
  1969年   4篇
  1967年   2篇
  1966年   3篇
排序方式: 共有843条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
821.
The Arab world shows a puzzling variation of political violence. The region's monarchies often remain quiet, while other autocracies witness major upheaval. Institutional explanations of this variation suggest that monarchical rule solves the ruler's credible commitment problems and prevents elite splits. This article argues that institutional explanations neglect the role of repression: increasing the scope of repression raises the costs of rebellion and deters rebels. However, the deterrence effect disappears if repression is used indiscriminately. If remaining peaceful offers no benefits, repression creates new rebels instead of deterring them. A time‐series‐cross‐section analysis of repression and political violence in the Middle East and North Africa corroborates our argument and shows the u‐curve relation between repression and violence. Once we control for repression, monarchies have no special effect anymore. Thus, our article addresses the discussion about monarchical exceptionalism, and offers an explanation why repression deters as well as incites political violence.  相似文献   
822.
Cartridge cases may contain deposited fingermarks when the firearm was loaded ( http://www.nij.gov/pubs-sum/225320.htm , J Forensic Sci, 53 , 2008 and 812). Cartridge cases can be individualized with microscopic examination. However, heat and friction degrades the deposited fingermark on the fired cartridge cases, if any on the surface. Also, unfired and fired cartridge cases are made of metal, which is a nonporous surface that does not retain fingermarks well ( http://www.nij.gov/pubs-sum/225320.htm ). This study tests the effects of pH level on fingermark clarity on brass fired and unfired cartridge cases and microscopic striation examination (MSE). Two trials were performed to determine the optimal pH in fingermark clarity for both types of cartridges. This was performed through immersion in six pH range solutions from dilutions of sulfuric acid and sodium hydroxide for 24 h for the purpose of enhancing the fingermarks on the metal. The use of the optimal neutral pH level is suggested because immersion of the cartridge cases in pH 1–3 and 3–5 affects MSE.  相似文献   
823.
The 1.2 mm Electric Coring Tool (e-Core™) was developed to increase the throughput of FTA sample collection cards used during forensic workflows and is similar to a 1.2 mm Harris manual micro-punch for sampling dried blood spots. Direct short tandem repeat (STR) DNA profiling was used to compare samples taken by the e-Core tool with those taken by the manual micro-punch. The performance of the e-Core device was evaluated using a commercially available PowerPlex™ 18D STR System. In addition, an analysis was performed that investigated the potential carryover of DNA via the e-Core punch from one FTA disc to another. This contamination study was carried out using Applied Biosystems AmpflSTR™ Identifiler™ Direct PCR Amplification kits. The e-Core instrument does not contaminate FTA discs when a cleaning punch is used following excision of discs containing samples and generates STR profiles that are comparable to those generated by the manual micro-punch.  相似文献   
824.
This study examines the association between schools and student bullying behaviors and victimization among a nationally representative sample (N = 9,107) of New Zealand high school students. In particular, the study sought to explore the role of characteristics of schools and school culture with respect to bystander behavior, while controlling for individual student factors related to victimization and bullying behaviors. Results indicated that a total of 6% of students report being bullied weekly or more often and 5% of students reported bullying other students at least weekly. Results of multilevel analyses suggested that schools characterized by students taking action to stop bullying were associated with less victimization and less reported bullying among students. In contrast, in schools where students reported teachers take action to stop bullying, there was no decline in victimization or bullying. Overall, these findings support whole-school approaches that aid students to take action to stop bullying.  相似文献   
825.
This paper introduces the concept of “tonal gravity” through a multimodal analysis of a YouTube video to demonstrate how multimodality is key to the construction of “Rule Britannia” as a sectarian song. The analysis focuses upon the multimodal semiotics of social distance which has been a key concept in sociological and anthropological traditions in recent times. This concept offers a means to understand the social semiotic relationship between Self and Other in multimodal discourse. Following previous work in social semiotics and music studies which examine how visual composition, music and the voice have constructed social distance or expressions of intimacy, I introduce the concept of tonal gravity which extends the metaphors of semiotic space in previous work in the musical mode, to account for a fuller understanding of how music helps narrate the multimodal Self and Other. This is introduced via a close multimodal analysis of “Rule Britannia” as a Rangers Football fan video which is only transformed into a sectarian text through multimodal collocation where different semiotic resources in various modes act in combination to produce a dominant Self actively prejudiced against a low Other.  相似文献   
826.
ABSTRACT

The actors, or “players,” involved in the transactions of diplomacy occasioned by sport are manifold. In the case of the world’s “global game”—association football—they include but are not limited to individual footballers, football clubs, national leagues, national associations, football’s international governance structures, multi-national sponsors, and numerous hangers on. Importantly for this analysis, such a panoply of actors creates an architecture, replicated across other sports, which speak to the necessity of furthering the understanding of the relationship between sport and diplomacy. These two phenomena share a long-standing similarity in global affairs; both having been over-looked as means of comprehending relations between different polities otherwise centred on the nation-state. This exegesis advances our understanding in two areas. First, it addresses the parameters of the discussion of “sport and diplomacy” and problematises the discourse between the two with a note on language; and second, it utilises a framework provided by an appreciation of “global diplomacy” to explore concepts of communication, representation, and negotiation in sport and diplomacy.  相似文献   
827.
Kelly  Emma  Winlow  Simon 《Critical Criminology》2022,30(2):237-244
Critical Criminology - The concept of organic resistance has stood as a cornerstone of critical social science for decades. Countless authors have claimed that minor acts of...  相似文献   
828.
After almost half a century of an unchanged distribution of seats among political parties in the federal government (Federal Council), the Swiss executive has experienced a new change in 2003. This change follows up on other changes in the past which occurred at irregular intervals. The question we wish to address in this paper is how these changes related to the electoral fortunes of the political parties. We find that electoral success does not translate directly into seat gains in the executive. A lag of up to two elections provides the best predictor. Thus, the rapid concession of a second seat to the SVP in 2003 is an outlier compared to the previous changes in the partisan composition of the Swiss government.  相似文献   
829.
Immigrant students in Denmark on average perform worse in lower secondary school than native Danish students. Part of the effect may not stem from the immigrant students themselves, but from the student composition at the school. From a policy perspective, the latter aspect is quite interesting since it is more feasible to change student composition in schools than the socioeconomic status of the individual students. This article describes theoretically the circumstances under which total student achievement can be increased by reallocating certain groups of students. Empirical analyses of Danish register data of more than 40,000 students suggest that the gain in total student achievement by reallocating immigrant students is minor. The educational outcome of immigrant students can however, ceteris paribus, be increased, at minimal expense to the majority of native Danish students' educational outcome, by limiting the share of immigrant students at grade level at any one school to less than 50 percent. The policy implications of this finding are discussed.  相似文献   
830.
There is an emerging political economics literature which purports to show that legislatures elected based on proportional electoral rules spend more and redistribute more than legislatures elected based on majoritarian electoral rules. Going a step further the authors of this paper consider whether degree of electoral proportionality has an impact on population health and, in particular, the health of the least advantaged members of society. A panel of 24 parliamentary democracies for the years 1960?C2004 is used to examine the relationship between electoral institutions and health. The authors find that greater electoral proportionality is positively associated with overall population health (as indicated by life expectancy) and with the health of the poorest (as indicated by a reduction in infant mortality). A panel of 17 countries for the years 1970?C2004 is then used to show to that electoral permissiveness modifies the impact of health spending on infant mortality.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号