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101.
Ann‐Kristin Kölln 《European Journal of Political Research》2015,54(4):707-725
On election day, voters’ commitment is crucial for political parties, but between elections members are an important resource for party organisations. However, membership figures have been dropping across parties and countries in the last decades. How does this trend affect parties’ organisation? Following classics in party politics research as well as contemporary organisational theory literature, this study tests some of the most longstanding hypotheses in political science regarding the effects of membership size change. According to organisational learning theory, membership decline should induce an expansion of the party organisation. However, threat‐rigidity theory and the work of Robert Michels suggest that parties are downsizing their organisation to match the decline in membership size. To test the hypotheses, 47 parties in six European countries (Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and the United Kingdom) are followed annually between 1960 and 2010 on key organisational characteristics such as finances, professionalism and complexity. A total of 1,922 party‐year observations are analysed. The results of multilevel modelling show that party membership decline triggers mixed effects. Declining membership size induces the employment of more staff, higher spending and a higher reliance on state subsidies. At the same time, it also triggers lower staff salaries and a reduction in the party's local presence. The findings indicate that today's parties are targeting an organisational structure that is custom‐made for the electoral moment every four years. Faced with lasting membership decline, the party organisation retracts its organisational resources and focuses more on election day. Members matter to parties, but votes matter more. 相似文献
102.
103.
Netherlands International Law Review - 相似文献
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106.
Johannes Alexeew Linda Bergset Kristin Meyer Juliane Petersen Lambert Schneider Charlotte Unger 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2010,10(3):233-248
The Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) allows industrialised countries to use credits from greenhouse gas abatement projects
in developing countries in order to fulfil their own emission reduction commitments. There has been mounting evidence that
the CDM’s ability to fulfil its goals as stipulated by the Kyoto Protocol—contributing to the sustainable development of the
host countries and delivering real, measurable and additional emission reductions—is less than satisfactory. In this article,
an evaluation is made of CDM projects’ likelihood of being additional by assessing the impact Certified Emission Reductions
have on the Internal Rate of Return of the individual projects. In addition, the projects’ sustainable development benefits
are assessed by using a multi-criteria analysis. In a final step, the relationship between the projects’ additionality and
sustainability contribution is assessed and a trade-off between these two CDM goals is established, revealing a potential
inherent conflict in how the current mechanism works. The analysis is based on a systematic evaluation of 40 registered CDM
projects in India. 相似文献
107.
Abstract Sexual harassment research was first undertaken in the workplace and educational settings. Research on sexual harassment in sport is scarce but has grown steadily since the mid-1980s. Even so, very little is known about the causes and/or characteristics and/or consequences of sexual harassment in sport settings. This article reports on the findings from interviews with 25 elite female athletes in Norway who indicated in a prior survey (n = 572) that they had experienced sexual harassment from someone in sport. The consequences of the incidents of sexual harassment that were reported were mostly negative, but some also reported that their experiences of sexual harassment had had no consequences for them. ‘Thinking about the incidents’, a ‘destroyed relationship with the coach’, and ‘a more negative view of men in general’ were the most often negative consequences mentioned. In addition, a surprising number had chosen to move to a different sport or to drop out of elite sport altogether because of the harassment. 相似文献
108.
Jensen KL 《Annals of health law / Loyola University Chicago, School of Law, Institute for Health Law》2007,16(1):141-61, table of contents
This article addresses the imbalance of power between managed care organizations and physicians regarding the content of treatment information given to patients. The author provides a thoughtful discussion surrounding informed consent issues in a managed care environment, and how managed care organizations maintain their control over physicians. The author concludes by offering varied and insightful methods to even out the disparity of power. 相似文献
109.
G. Kristin Rosendal 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2007,7(4):439-455
This is a study of Norway’s ambitions for influencing UN environmental policies and then on the scope for impact. On the whole,
it is clear that Norway has not been particularly successful in its general efforts at strengthening UNEP. These proposals
have failed, due mainly to opposition from key states. Norway is after all a minor player in global governance issues, even
in those pertaining to the environment. Norway has been more successful in efforts that indirectly strengthen UNEP, by supporting
UNEP in initiating new MEAs. We found three main factors that help to explain why Norway has a relatively high level of influence
at the international environmental arena compared to its size. First, there is a relatively straightforward domestic decision-making
process with little conflict. Second, Norwegian officials and NGOs possess considerable expertise in these issues, adding
to the intellectual leadership role of Norway in pushing for new principles and international legislation through UNEP. Third,
Norway is sometimes able to join forces in environmental alliances with other like-minded countries. This would seem to carry
the widest scope for increasing impact.
相似文献
G. Kristin RosendalEmail: |
110.
Despite the economic turmoil of the time, a typical study of vote choice in the 2008 US Presidential Election would (falsely) find little evidence that voters’ opinions about the future state of the economy affected their vote choice. We argue that this misleading conclusion results from serious measurement error in the standard prospective economic evaluations survey question. Relying instead on a revised question, included for the first time in the 2008 American National Election Study, we find that most respondents condition their prospective economic evaluations on potential election outcomes, and that these evaluations are an important determinant of vote choice. A replication in a very different political context – the 2008 Ghanaian election – yields similar results. 相似文献