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241.
Kurt Amend Author Vitae 《Orbis》2010,54(2):215-231
The recent resurgence of interest in insurgency and counterinsurgency has revealed a deficit in material written by and for the diplomat, the actor ostensibly responsible for the political component of a counterinsurgency campaign. Classical theorists stress that progress along the political track is essential for ultimate success. Recent commentary, in shedding new light on the characteristics of modern insurgencies, reaffirms this principle. To make political headway the diplomat-counterinsurgent needs to develop a strategic narrative, build a political strategy around the narrative, acquire expertise, become a catalyst for political change, and maximize contact with the local population. In doing so, he will make important contributions to and help accelerate success in a counterinsurgency campaign.
“War and diplomacy are different but intimately related aspects of national policy. Diplomats and warriors who recall this will therefore act as brothers in a potentially lethal common endeavor.…they will consider together when to fight and when to talk and when to press and when to stop.”
Chas. W. Freeman, Jr., The Diplomat's Dictionary (1995) - Full-size table
242.
Sarah L. Lathrop D.V.M. Ph.D. Travis B. Dick Pharm.D. Kurt B. Nolte M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2010,55(2):432-437
Abstract: Medical examiner files from 1990 through 2004 were reviewed to identify fatalities caused by drivers traveling the wrong direction on interstate highways and identify risk factors and prevention strategies. Other fatal nonpedestrian interstate motor vehicle crashes served as a comparison group. Data abstracted included decedent demographics, driver/passenger status, seatbelt use, blood alcohol concentration, weather and light at time of occurrence and types of vehicles involved. Of 1171, 79 (6.7%) interstate motor vehicle fatalities were because of drivers traveling against the posted direction in 49 crashes, with one to five fatalities per crash. Wrong‐way collisions were significantly more likely to occur during darkness (p < 0.0001) and involve legally intoxicated drivers (p < 0.0001). In 29/49 (60%) wrong‐way crashes, alcohol was a factor. Prevention strategies aimed at reducing the incidence of driving while intoxicated, as well as improved lighting and signage at ramps, could help reduce the occurrence of fatal wrong‐way collisions on interstates. 相似文献
243.
James Mills 《Third world quarterly》2018,39(2):218-231
AbstractThis article examines a drugs trade in Asia that has been largely forgotten by historians and policy-makers, that in cocaine. It will briefly trace some of the contours of this commerce and the efforts to control it. It will also assess how successful these efforts were. The article is designed to contribute fresh perspectives on recent controversies in the historiography of drugs in Asia to argue that the agendas and agency of consumers are central to understanding why markets have formed there for psychoactive substances in the modern period. 相似文献
244.
Kurt C. M. Mertel 《Critical Horizons》2018,19(2):93-110
In recent work, Maeve Cooke has criticised Jürgen Habermas’s post-metaphysical model in order to motivate an alternative “post-secular” conception of the state, which involves the replacement of the “institutional translation proviso” with the “nonauthoritarian reasoning requirement”. I provide a qualified defence of the Habermasian model by arguing that it does not lead to the kind of negative consequences regarding legitimacy and solidarity Cooke attributes to it. This, in turn, means that Cooke’s proposal for the secular foundation of political authority on a post-secular basis is insufficiently motivated. In the process, I argue that the point of departure for the debate about religion in the public sphere shared by both Habermas and Cooke – the picture of the “total” religious citizen – should be rejected because it presupposes an overly simplistic view of religions and religious identities. 相似文献
245.
Elyse N. Mills 《Third world quarterly》2018,39(7):1270-1289
AbstractWhile much debate on climate change has emerged around food, forest and land politics, the fisheries sector has only recently become more visibly implicated in these discussions. Similarly, in comparison to food and agrarian movements, fishers’ resistance to intensified mitigation efforts and resource exclusion is still significantly understudied academically, and receives little attention in political spheres. This highlights a critical gap in both food and climate politics literature, which this paper aims to present a framework for addressing. To do so, it contextualises the emergence of overlapping processes of exclusion in global fisheries, and explores the implications global food system transformations have had in the fisheries sector, and the reactions this has spurred from South African fishers. It then traces the convergence of fishers’ movements with other resource justice movements, and how this has contributed to the rise of ‘fisheries justice’. Finally, it presents four interlinked propositions – highlighting food sovereignty, resource access and conflict, climate change and mitigation, convergences between movements, and alternatives proposed by fishers – as a framework for how incorporating fisheries and fishers’ movements can broaden our understanding of transnational social movements, and expand the depth and scope of food and climate politics. 相似文献
246.
Zim Nwokora Malcolm Anderson Joo‐Cheong Tham Anika Gauja Stephen Mills Narelle Miragliotta 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2019,65(1):115-134
In recent years the regulation of political finance in Australia has moved from systems of laissez‐faire to systems of enhanced regulation, which aim to curb the scale and influence of donations. This article examines political finance regulation in New South Wales — the jurisdiction that has seen the most significant transformation of its regulatory setup — to assess whether and how the new regulations have affected donations to political parties in the state. We find, based on analysis of the pattern of donations before and after the reforms, that the regulations have made the financing system fairer and thus improved the quality of democracy in the state. 相似文献
247.
248.
249.
Kurt Schobel Geoffrey Pond 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2020,63(2):229-246
The role of the Chief Financial Officer (CFO) in the public sector is relatively new. Prior research on private sector CFOs identified that CFOs tend to focus on either financial or strategic issues. In this study, we examined if these same tendencies exist within the public sector. Using the Department of National Defence as a case study, we asked Comptrollers to compare a set of 8 roles to determine if a bias towards financial or strategic roles exists. We found that some bias exists within National Defence; however, we also found most recognize that you cannot focus exclusively on either role. 相似文献
250.
The following study is an evaluation of the Moderate Intensity Family Violence Prevention Program (MIFVPP). The sample consisted of 298 male federal offenders who participated in the MIFVPP while incarcerated or on release within the community. Participants were assessed pre-, mid-, and postprogram using an assessment battery consisting of self-report questionnaires and facilitator-rated evaluation scales. Results of the study found uniform and significant (p < .001) improvement for pre and post program change in the self-report questionnaires and in the facilitator ratings. A positive improvement in motivation, whether assessed by the participant or facilitator, was associated with improvement in program outcomes and significant within, between, and interaction effects were found when participant program performance over time was compared among grouped postprogram ratings of motivation. The implication for the efficacy of addressing offender motivation to change in intimate partner violence (IPV) interventions is discussed. 相似文献