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791.
792.
While environmental incidents tend to occur infrequently, they are often serious enough to disrupt the operations of the entities that experience releases of hazardous materials. The consequences of such events may include third-party claims for bodily injury and property damage, orders to clean up contamination, and regulatory actions against responsible parties. Fortunately, environmental insurance is available to provide protection against the financial consequences of a wide variety of pollution events. This article looks at the role of the broker in assisting clients to identify, analyze, and insure against environmental liability. With properly drafted policies and active participation in the claims management process, the broker can play a significant role in assuring that an environmental insurance policy responds as anticipated when an unexpected incident threatens a client's operations.  相似文献   
793.
794.
Abstract While the literature suggests that clear lines of responsibility lead to greater incumbent dependence on economic conditions for support, little has been said about how electorates channel frustrations in systems characterized by 'fuzzy' lines of responsibility, i.e., the shape and status of parliamentary government in relation to possible choice of electors open to them. The argument presented here is that fuzzy lines of responsibility result in lower incentives to participate in political processes and greater system dissatisfaction given economic circumstances. This decline is greater in systems in which incumbent responsibility is less easily identified by the individual citizen. To test this, data are collected from eight European nations over the period 1975–1992. Split sample and slope intervention models with robust estimation are employed at the individual level. System level aggregates are analyzed using pooled time–series analysis to confirm individual level findings. Finally, election turnout data are also analyzed to obtain election level verification of survey findings. Evidence suggests that participation is more heavily influenced by economic conditions in fuzzy settings. Coupled with existing literature, this suggests that while clear settings encourage punishment of the incumbent unclear settings tend to cause individuals to become more withdrawn and alienated. However, economic conditions are also important to overall system effects. The findings herein suggest that unclear or fuzzy settings increase the role of economic conditions in determination of system affect.  相似文献   
795.
From its foundation in 1930 until the late 1980s, the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA) comprised the largest and best organised political party in Peru, but surprisingly few studies exist on how the organisation was established and built up a mass following at the provincial level. This article examines the birth of APRA in the Andean department of Cajamarca. It highlights the support the organisation obtained among key middle–class groups (i.e. lawyers, schoolteachers, cattle dealers, etc.), and the links they forged with the rural and urban poor. APRA's efforts to mobilise “new” social actors, such as women and students, are also described.  相似文献   
796.
This conclusion attempts to answer three sets of questions regarding our experiment in cross-field collaboration: What did we find and were these findings cohesive? What did our findings add to the debate? What are the implications of our findings, and, more importantly, what's next? It suggests that politics have become a "reverse salient" in innovation theory. Specifically, innovation scholars have yet to devise a theory that fully incorporates distributive politics and their security and competitiveness implications into a general explanation of technological change. This gap is holding back progress in fields that depend on innovation as an explanatory variable. It should therefore be made a priority for innovation scholars across the social sciences.  相似文献   
797.
Taylor  Ian 《African affairs》2008,107(426):63-87
China's political and economic activities in Africa are increasingat an exponential rate. Equally, they are attracting criticism,chiefly over Beijing's no-strings-attached stance on human rightsand governance. It is clear that many African states that enjoyChinese support not only trample on civil and political rights(as per Western ideas of human rights), but also subvert theircitizens’ economic and social rights (as per China's discourseon human rights). If whilst adhering to the principle of non-interference,Chinese activities actually make things worse for some in Africa,then Beijing's argument that basic socio-economic rights aremore important for the poor than abstract politicalrights is potentially problematic. This is because there isa danger that Beijing's engagement in Africa might be exploitedby autocrats on the continent for their own, well-understood,reasons. Doing no harm, rather than a studied disinterest, needsto be part of China's overall African policy, something thatBeijing is bound to recognize. The author gratefully acknowledges the British Academy, CarnegieTrust for the Universities of Scotland, Chiang Ching-kuo Foundationfor International Scholarly Exchange, and the Russell Trustof Scotland for financial support for fieldwork on Sino-Africanrelations, carried out in Eritrea, Ethiopia, Namibia, SierraLeone, South Africa, and Uganda. The ideas for this articlewere initially tested at seminars at Wilton Park, the Universityof Plymouth, the State Department, SAIS-Johns Hopkins University,and Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. I am gratefulto participants in these events, this journal's two anonymousreviewers, and Shaun Breslin for commenting and helping to crystallizemy thoughts. Any errors remain my own.  相似文献   
798.
Der Dieb, der vom Eigentümer oder dessen Versicherer für die Rückgabe der weggenommenen Sache L?segeld fordert, verantwortet – mangels Anrechenbarkeit der Sachrückgabe auf die abgen?tigte Leistung – das Verbrechen der Erpressung.  相似文献   
799.
Abstract. The introduction of a government program of the magnitude of health insurance presents the policy analyst with a case study that is closer to Lind-blom's innovative ‘ideal type’ than to the ‘incremental’ policy type. This paper, based on part of a larger work, examines the Quebec decisions to implement a medicare plan in 1970 by analysing the action imperatives, constraints, uncertainties, inputs, outputs, and outcomes of the policy. The Quebec case presents special issues of policy and strategy resulting from Quebec's unique federal relationship, the unusual power of organized consumer groups, the split in the ranks of the profession, and the diflicult negotiations with the specialists resulting in their going on strike. The coincidence of this contestation with the Octaber kidnapping crisis resulted in the first back-to-work legislation applying to individual members of a profession in Canada. Sommaire. Le lancement d'un programme gouvernemental de l'envergure de l'assurance maladie présente à l'analyste un cas d'espèce qui resemble plus au « modèle idéal « inédit de Lindblom qu'aux politiques «à caractère graduel ». Dans cette communication, qui s'appuie sur un ouvrage plus vaste, l'auteur examine les décisions du Québec pour mettre en vigueur une assurance maladie en 1970, en analysant les impératifs, les limitations, les incertitudes, les tenants, les aboutissants et les conséquences de sa politique dans ce domaine. Le cas de Québec présente des questions politiques et stratégiques particulières éant donné les rapports du Québec avec le fédéral, le pouvoir exceptionnel des groupes de consommateurs, le désaccord au sein de la profession médicale et les négociations difficiles avec les spécialistes à la suite de leur grève. La simultanéité de cette contestation avec la crise d'octobre eut pour résultat l'adoption, pour la première fois au Canada, d'une législation ordonnant le retour au travail d'individus membres d'une profession libérale.  相似文献   
800.
Like its American counterpart, Chinese political science is experiencing a similar concern regarding its societal relevance as it attempts to assess and focus on China’s unique political and social concerns. Should Chinese political science tread the same path? Should it pursue a purely methodological positivist approach or should it engage in a more holistic and methodologically pluralistic approach such as that found in public administration? A mixed-methods approach, which includes both problem-driven research and theory-driven research, might be a better way to serve both the discipline and China.  相似文献   
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