全文获取类型
收费全文 | 128篇 |
免费 | 5篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 25篇 |
工人农民 | 5篇 |
世界政治 | 9篇 |
外交国际关系 | 10篇 |
法律 | 58篇 |
政治理论 | 25篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 9篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 13篇 |
2017年 | 12篇 |
2016年 | 11篇 |
2015年 | 2篇 |
2014年 | 5篇 |
2013年 | 19篇 |
2012年 | 4篇 |
2011年 | 7篇 |
2010年 | 7篇 |
2009年 | 6篇 |
2008年 | 3篇 |
2007年 | 3篇 |
2005年 | 4篇 |
2004年 | 1篇 |
2003年 | 2篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有133条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
111.
Michael Kyle 《亚洲事务》2017,48(1):169-171
112.
Conspiracy Endorsement as Motivated Reasoning: The Moderating Roles of Political Knowledge and Trust 下载免费PDF全文
Joanne M. Miller Kyle L. Saunders Christina E. Farhart 《American journal of political science》2016,60(4):824-844
Given the potential political and social significance of conspiracy beliefs, a substantial and growing body of work examines the individual‐level correlates of belief in conspiracy theories and general conspiratorial predispositions. However, although we know much about the psychological antecedents of conspiracy endorsement, we know less about the individual‐level political causes of these prevalent and consequential beliefs. Our work draws from the extant literature to posit that endorsement of conspiracy theories is a motivated process that serves both ideological and psychological needs. In doing so, we develop a theory that identifies a particular type of person—one who is both highly knowledgeable about politics and lacking in trust—who is most susceptible to ideologically motivated conspiracy endorsement. Further, we demonstrate that the moderators of belief in conspiracy theories are strikingly different for conservatives and liberals. 相似文献
113.
Public private partnerships provide an important illustration of the way the traditional role of government as employer and service provider is being transformed. While policy–makers argue that the growing role of the private sector is not driven by ideological thinking – that, in fact, both public and private sector organizations can benefit from working together in partnership relations – in practice it is the norms and rules of private sector management that underpin reforms. This paper assesses evidence from two detailed case studies of partnerships and demonstrates, first, that there is little evidence of mutual gains from partnership arrangements and, second, that because of an imbalance of power between public and private sector partners, any gains achieved are not distributed equitably. These results suggest that current reforms need to be refocused around building on the distinctive qualities of services provision in the public sector, rather than expanding the private sector world of markets and contracts. 相似文献
114.
115.
116.
117.
Lonna Rae Atkeson Lisa Ann Bryant Thad E. Hall Kyle Saunders Michael Alvarez 《Electoral Studies》2010
In democratic societies there is a tension between maximizing ballot access and minimizing voter fraud. Since the 2000 presidential election, this tension has been central to discussions about election reform at the national, state, and local level. We examine this tension by focusing on the implementation of voter identification laws in one state that has experienced significant issues in recent elections, and that is currently implementing election reform: New Mexico. We hypothesize that Hispanic voters are more likely to show some form of identification than other types of voters. Using a voter data set from New Mexico's First Congressional District in the 2006 election, we find that Hispanic, male and Election Day voters are more likely to show some form of identification than non-Hispanic, female and early voters. In addition, using an overlapping study of Bernalillo County 2006 poll workers, which almost entirely overlaps with the First Congressional District, we find no evidence that differences in poll worker partisanship or ethnicity produce differences in voter identification procedures. Our findings suggest that broad voter identification laws, which may be applied unequally, may be perceived as discriminatory. 相似文献
118.
Kyle Conway M.D. J.D. Omar Rayes M.D. Theodore Brown M.D. Milad Webb M.D. Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(3):855-859
Residential fires are a significant cause for morbidity and mortality in the United States. Death is often the result of soot and smoke inhalation causing carbon monoxide (CO) toxicity. The approximate lethal level of carboxyhemoglobin (COHb) in healthy adults has been well described. However, a significant number of medical examiner cases involve infirmed decedents, often elderly, with complex cardiovascular disease burdens. It is well known that death in these cases will occur at sublethal levels of COHb; however, increased lethality has been largely documented via anecdotal experience and lacks quantification. Fifty-five cases were identified where death resulted from smoke and soot inhalation suffered in a residential fire. The control group, with no cardiovascular disease, had an age-adjusted mean COHb level of 61.6% at the time of death. Presence of hypertensive cardiovascular disease showed a 30% reduction in COHb (age-adjusted mean 43.2%), atherosclerotic disease showed a 33% reduction (age-adjusted mean 41.5%), and combined disease presentation accounted for 41% reduction (age-adjusted mean 36.3%). When controlling for age, atherosclerotic and hypertensive cardiovascular diseases were each associated with statistically significant decreases in COHb (p < 0.01). Increasing age was associated with decreased COHb levels at 2.8% per 10 years of life (p < 0.01), even when modeled with hypertensive and atherosclerotic disease. These findings carry important public health significance, as well as practical significance for the medical examiner when interpreting COHb levels in cases of suspected deaths due to smoke and soot inhalation. 相似文献
119.
120.
Kyle Grayson 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2008,21(3):383-401
This article interrogates the parameters of the human security debate as a site of biopolitics in order to gain an understanding of how it has been possible to shape the debate in certain ways and not others. The role of cosmological realism in grounding knowledge claims within the debate is explored. By privileging objectivist claims to knowledge of human (in)security, it is argued that empiricism and rationalism, as forms of cosmological realism, foster the production of logics which facilitate forms of biopolitical intervention. The quest for precision, measurement, causality and policy relevance that define the production of human security knowledge is shown to have important political effects beyond the definitional debate itself in terms of agency, normalcy, and the scope for intervention. Therefore, this article demonstrates how the demarcation of human security as a field of knowledge is a process pregnant with relations of power that are important to understanding contemporary political dynamics. 相似文献