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61.
In the wake of the Supreme Court's decision in Aviall—that potentially responsible parties (PRPs) are not permitted to seek contribution from other PRPs under CERCLA unless they have been sued or otherwise settled their CERCLA liability—PRPs and the courts have struggled to identify a remedy for those that voluntarily undertake cleanup of contaminated sites. The Atlantic Research decision resolves a conflict among the circuits and clarifies that PRPs voluntarily incurring cleanup costs pursuant to CERCLA, can maintain an action for cost recovery against other PRPs. The authors discuss the current legal landscape regarding actions for cost recovery as presented in Atlantic Research. 相似文献
62.
Wilson D. Miscamble Author Vitae 《Orbis》2009,53(4):553-570
After its victory in World War II, it was clear that United States should move beyond the disastrous policies of the 1930s, but it was less clear how. Ultimately, a lasting postwar strategy was forged under President Truman. Appreciating how Truman moved well beyond Roosevelt's guiding assumptions is essential to understanding the evolution of American grand strategy. One sees that wartime planning and grand strategy formulation can prove quite inadequate for dealing with postwar challenges. An administration cannot be locked into assumptions, but must constantly test them. Thus, the Truman administration eventually developed and adopted containment and moved far beyond FDR's approach. More substantively, the fundamental geopolitical lesson of World War II and the early Cold War was that the United States must assume the essential balancing role relative to other major powers. 相似文献
63.
Eric Wilson 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2009,51(3-4):413-434
This essay applies the theoretical concepts of pure war and speed-politics developed by the critical theorist and urbanist Paul Virilio to the concept of power crime. The aim of this paper is to present readers unfamiliar with Virilio’s work with a philosophical methodology of great potential significance to critical criminology. It is divided into two major parts. The first part re-considers power crime and the broader criminogenic environment in terms of the Virilian notions of velocity, optics, and pure war: criminogenic phenomena are shown to be the necessary and unavoidable by-products of the wider convergences among political, economic, and military systems governed by speed. The second part consists of an empirical case study illustrating the practical applicability of these abstract Virilian concepts: the federal prosecution of the private security firm Custer Battles for fraud. The systemic corruption of the US military procurement process and the inability of the federal judicial system to provide a remedy for the fraud perpetrated against the American public is read as a key sign of the suspension of the liberal juro-political order and the effective abolition of the rule of law by fast moving, or “high velocity”, criminogenic processes. 相似文献
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发展了一种基于高阶迎风格式和嵌套网格捕捉直升机悬停旋翼涡尾迹的方法.无粘通量采用Roe Reimann求解器,使用改进的5阶加权基本无振荡(WENO)格式对交界面左右状态进行高阶插值,并与MUSCL插值进行比较.为便于捕捉尾迹和实施周期性边界条件,计算采用结构嵌套网格,其中高质量的旋翼网格完全嵌套于背景网格中.当解达到近似收敛后在桨尖涡分布区域对背景网格进行加密,如此经过3次得到优化的背景网格.考虑到WENO格式插值的特点,提出了搜索3层洞边界和人工外边界的方法以便插值的直接进行.用该方法对一跨音速和一亚音速悬停旋翼粘性流场进行了数值计算.数值结果表明:所发展方法对涡尾迹具有很高的捕捉能力;与MUSCL格式相比,WENO格式具有较低的数值耗散. 相似文献
66.
Wilson Forero-Mesa Juan Carlos Rodríguez-Raga 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2023,42(5):607-621
How do legislators use social media to cultivate their constituencies in large multimember electoral districts? Colombia's Senate nationwide district offers a suitable case to examine how lawmakers, through their behaviour on Twitter, geographically target their audiences. We employ microblog user geolocation methods which infer locations using textual content in order to identify where Colombian senators' Twitter ‘home’ is. We find that senators' location targeting on Twitter largely mirrors the geographical distribution of their votes. Deviations from that pattern mostly stem from their vulnerability to intraparty competition and the nature of their parties' organisation. 相似文献
67.
President Trump encouraged bad state actors within the administrative state to contribute to inequities for civilians. We highlight how Trump's actions and rhetoric led to increased individual, institutional, and systemic racism and violence. As a response to this increased violence and rhetoric, we discuss the role civilians (including professional athletes) played in engaging in protests and the 2020 election. Given that more individuals voted in that election cycle, we emphasize the importance for public administration to adapt, evolve, and engage with new actors concerned with administrative action or inaction. 相似文献
68.
Wilson Harris 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(1):175-186
A case study of the Mozambican conflict is used to illustrate the need to integrate a gender perspective which is historically grounded and which encompasses social relationships between women and men rather than the existing 'impact of conflict on women' approach. This is demonstrated first by examining ways in which postcolonial states have continued constructions of gender which assign women to the private/domestic sphere and then by establishing how security in Southern Africa has been mediated by gendered constraints, whether in peace or war. The specific character of the Mozambican conflict is summarised, as are its outcomes in terms of gender relations which have intensified women's vulnerability. This is then related to an examination of the nature of some of the major humanitarian responses to the Mozambican emergency, where there was a wide divergence between stated policies on gender and practice. It is argued that this 'gender gap' is being perpetuated in some aspects of the reconstruction phase, despite women's enormous contribution to the task of rebuilding Mozambican society. 相似文献
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