MANAGEMENT AUDIT IN THE MINISTRY OF DEFENCE

In 1981 the Ministry of Defence brought together the capabilities of staff inspection, internal audit and central management services under a Director General of Management Audit (DGMA) with the objectives of achieving greater co-ordination of these functions and of developing the concept of management audit, i.e. the bringing to bear of a'total audit' approach on selected departmental organizations or activities. This article comments on the progress made so far in developing this concept and describes changes which have taken place in the conduct of the individual disciplines which have had the effect of concentrating their attention on wider questions of efficiency, economy and effectiveness. The article goes on to describe the parallel development in the Ministry of Defence of new resource management machinery — responsibility budgets, a new management information system for ministers and top management (MINIS), management principles and, most recently, a re-organization of the Ministry itself — and the place which the management audit capability occupies within this.     

Gender Turnover and Roll‐Call Voting in the U.S. House of Representatives

A number of studies suggest that the gender of a legislator affects his or her congressional ideology. We argue that these studies may have produced misleading results because of insufficient controls for constituency influences. To better account for constituency effects, we use a longitudinal research design based on electoral turnover, which holds constituency constant while allowing gender and party to vary. We apply ordinary least squares regression to data from the 103d, 104th, and 105th Houses of Representatives and estimate the effect of gender turnover on changes in DW‐NOMINATE roll‐call voting scores. We find that, when we sufficiently control for both party and constituency influences, gender is not a determinant of the liberalness of a representative's roll‐call voting behavior.     

Meritocracy Is a Good Thing

At the turn of the 20th Century when Western power was at its height, Sun Yat‐Sen sought to blend the Confucian tradition of meritocratic governance and Western‐style democracy in his vision for modern China. With the “rise of the rest” in the 21st Century—led by China—perhaps the political imagination is open once again, this time not only to Western ideas flowing East, but Eastern ideas flowing West as well. The political imagination has been pried open anew not only because of the sustained success of non‐Western modernity in places like Singapore and China, but because democracy itself has become so dysfunctional across the West, from its ancient birthplace in Greece to its most advanced outpost in California. That liberal democracy is the best form of governance ever achieved in the long arc of history is no longer self‐evident. Today, democracy, which has been captured by a short‐term, special‐interest political culture, has to prove and improve itself by incorporating elements of meritocracy and the long‐term perspective. If not, political decay beckons. In this section, we evaluate the tradeoeffs and ponder the possibilities of combining a more knowledegable democracy with a more accountable meritocracy.