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The writings of Goldstein, Freud and Solnit, particularly someof the concepts they developed, have exercised a profound influenceon our thinking about children. A new, revamped, final, authoritativeedition presents the opportunity for critical re-assessment.The author finds a partial analytical framework, a dated imageof children, a narrow concept of children's rights, triggersfor intervention which leave children dangerously exposed and,above all, a sense diat events have moved on leaving the mostinfluential text of this generation firmly rooted in the ideas,problems and concepts of the last. The publication in one revised volume of the landmark trilogyof Beyond, Before and In1 provides an excuse, if one were needed,to assess the impact and re-evaluate the arguments containedwithin the three monographs and now compressed and updated.Whether or not one agrees with all, or even any, of the ideascontained within Best Interests (as I shall now call the collection),and I shall criticize both applications and implications, theconcepts have impressed themselves, perhaps indelibly, on ourthinking about children. Like it or not, anyone thinking aboutchild law or policy, the relation between parents and children,the state and family, has to grapple with concepts like leastdetrimental alternative, the psychological parent,a child's sense of time and others of the rich ideas which permeateBest Interests.2 相似文献
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We examine some of the consequences of financial globalization for democratization in emerging market economies by focusing on the currency markets of four Asian countries at different stages of democratic development. Using political data of various kinds—including a new events data series—and the Markov regime switching model from empirical macroeconomics, we show that in young and incipient democracies politics continuously causes changes in the probability of experiencing two different currency market equilibria: a high volatility "contagion" regime and a low volatility "fundamentals" regime. The kind of political events that affect currency market equilibration varies cross-nationally depending on the degree to which the polity of a country is democratic and its policymaking transparent. The results help us better gauge how and the extent to which democratization is compatible with financial globalization. 相似文献
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W. Lance Bennett 《Political Behavior》1979,1(4):331-359
The ways in which political systems and their members respond to social strains are little understood. When citizens are confronted by unfathomable problems or intense pressures, they often seek to suspend serious activities or escape rigid and alienating roles in order to attain psychological release, mutual involvement, and insights about their lives. Release, involvement, and insight are consequences of a universal human activity called play. People play in order to make room for personal expression in rigid social structures. People play in order to create and maintain the bounds necessary for community. People play in order to generate the novelty, perspective, and invention necessary for social and political change.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1977 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, D.C., September 1977. 相似文献
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Notes on social indicators: Promises and potential 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Widespread interest in social indicators—indeed, what may be characterized as a new social movement—has developed among both social scientists and policymakers. The concept of social indicators, however, continues to be diffuse and there are exaggerated claims of the utility of indicators. Deficiencies in both conceptualization and method limit the potential of indicators for such tasks as priority setting and program evaluation. Moreover, the development of social accounts, based on the analogy with economic accounts, is fallacious. Redirection in effort and more realistic claims can reduce the possibility of an eventual decline in work on indicators and enhance the value of the movement for both policymakers and social scientists concerned with the analysis and prediction of social change. 相似文献
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Levedakou EN Freeman DA Budzynski MJ Early BE Damaso RC Pollard AM Townley AJ Gombos JL Lewis JL Kist FG Hockensmith ME Terwilliger ML Amiott E McElfresh KC Schumm JW Ulery SR Konotop F Sessa TL Sailus JS Crouse CA Tomsey CS Ban JD Nelson MS 《Journal of forensic sciences》2002,47(4):757-772
In order to increase the power of discrimination for human identification purposes, a nine-locus short tandem repeat (STR) multiplex, the GenePrint PowerPlex 2.1 system (PowerPlex 2.1) developed by Promega Corporation and a separate pentanucleotide-repeat locus, Penta D, were tested. This megaplex system includes the highly polymorphic loci FGA, TPOX, D8S1179, vWA, Penta E, D18S51, D21S11, TH01, and D3S1358 and may be used in combination with the eight-locus STR multiplex, the GenePrint PowerPlex 1.1 system (PowerPlex 1.1) that has been previously developed. Three of the loci, TPOX, TH01 and vWA, have been included in both systems for quality control purposes. As with PowerPlex 1.1, PowerPlex 2.1 is also based on a two-color detection of fluorescent-labeled DNA products amplified by polymerase chain reaction (PCR) and provides a valuable tool for accurate and rapid allele determination. The primer sequences used in the PowerPlex 2.1/Penta D system are also presented in this report. To meet the "Quality Assurance Standards for Forensic DNA Testing Laboratories" (FBI), we tested the efficiency and reproducibility of the PowerPlex 2.1/PentaD system by several validation studies that were conducted as a joint project among seven laboratories. Validation tests included concordance studies, sensitivity, and species specificity determination, as well as performance in forensic and environmentally impacted samples. The results produced from these tests demonstrated the consistency and reliability of the PowerPlex 2.1/Penta D system. 相似文献
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Since its formation in 1913, the Western Australian branch of the National Party has faced many challenges to its survival. Electoral reform removing rural malapportionment in 2005 prompted changes in strategic direction, including abandoning coalition with the Liberal Party and creating a discrete image, branding and policy approach. Holding the balance of power after the 2008 election, the party adopted a post‐election bargaining strategy to secure ministries and funding for its “Royalties for Regions” policy. This “WA approach” is distinctive from amalgamation and coalition arrangements embraced elsewhere in Australia. This article updates progress of the strategy following state and federal elections in 2013 and finds that it has been a success measured by increased votes, seats and policy influence and expansion into regional Western Australia to displace Labor. However, its applicability to other branches of the National Party is likely to be limited. 相似文献