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81.
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Finken Laura L. Jacobs Janis E. Laguna Kerrie D. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1998,27(4):493-511
Factors related to risky drinking and driving/riding decisions were explored by presenting vignettes to 135 older adolescents, 17–24 years of age, with vignettes related to drinking and other social behaviors engaged in at a party. Analyses revealed that alcohol-related behaviors, attitudes toward the acceptability of drinking and driving, and previous drinking and driving/riding experiences were all significant predictors of decisions about driving or riding while intoxicated. Indeed, the overall model accounted for 46% of risky drinking and driving/riding decisions. As predicted, older respondents had more previous experiences with driving while intoxicated and riding with intoxicated drivers than did younger respondents, and they reported that drinking and driving was more acceptable among their peers. However, contrary to expectations, there were no differences in the number of risky decisions made by the two age groups or between males and females. The importance of previous experiences is discussed. 相似文献
83.
Local governments' allocation decisions are modeled in the context of a slack maximizing bureaucrat who produces public goods according to a production function that includes both provision and the constituents' socio-economic characteristics. To gain a better understanding of the determinants of slack, comparative statics and an empirical study of Illinois municipalities are conducted. The indirect output distance function provides efficiency scores upon which we regress several variables, representing socio-economic characteristics, costs and competition measures. We find that slack or inefficient behavior is associated with richer communities, lower education levels and a lack of competition for residents among municipalities. 相似文献
84.
James L. Gibson 《Political Behavior》2005,27(4):313-323
The purpose of this article is to reconsider the claim made recently by Mondak and Sanders that political tolerance ought
to be thought to be a dichotomous rather than continuous variable. Using data from both Russia and the United States, I demonstrate
that those Mondak and Sanders regard as uniquely tolerant are most likely no more than people who were given insufficient
opportunity to express their intolerance. Even if such a phenomenon of “absolute tolerance” exists (all ideas expressed in
all ways are to be tolerated), it is sufficiently rare that few practical implications are indicated for those doing empirical
work on political tolerance and intolerance.
* I appreciate the valuable comments of Jeffcry Mondak on an earlier version of this paper. 相似文献
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The relationship between subjective invulnerability and optimism bias in risk appraisal, and their comparative association
with indices of risk activity, substance use and college adjustment problems was assessed in a sample of 350 (M
age = 20.17; 73% female; 93% White/European American) emerging adults. Subjective invulnerability was measured with the newly
devised adolescent invulnerability scale (AIS). Optimism bias in decision-making was assessed with a standard comparative-conditional
risk appraisal task. Results showed that the danger- and psychological invulnerability subscales of the AIS demonstrated strong
internal consistency and evidence of predictive validity. Subjective invulnerability and optimism bias were also shown to
be empirically distinct constructs with differential ability to predict risk and adjustment. Danger invulnerability and psychological
invulnerability were more pervasively associated with risk behavior than was optimism bias; and psychological invulnerability
counter-indicated depression, self-esteem and interpersonal problems. Results support recent claims regarding the “two faces”
of adolescent invulnerability. Implications for future research are drawn. 相似文献
88.
Heli Askola 《Feminist Legal Studies》2010,18(2):159-178
Feminist legal efforts to make sense of the external migration policies of the European Union (EU) have focused almost exclusively
on the EU’s initiatives against trafficking in women. This article examines one of the more neglected areas of EU immigration
policy—the return of ‘illegal immigrants’. It analyses the so-called 2008 Returns Directive in the light of the multidimensional
inequalities experienced by migrant women, which affect their migration status and expose some of them to the threat of removal.
Owing to insecurities over external migration, the Directive constructs even the most vulnerable migrants as a threat to be
controlled and is likely to result in detrimental consequences for many migrants, and in particular already vulnerable women
who are likely to be further disadvantaged by it. 相似文献
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