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661.
662.
In this article we set out to bridge a surprising methodological gap between two time-honored research traditions – news media content analysis and the policy sciences analytic framework. Lasswell, a recognized pioneer of both the method and the framework, discussed the mutual benefits of each decades ago. But few researchers, if any, have formally linked the two. To that end, in this article we (1) make the case for using news media content analysis to inform research studies using the policy sciences analytic framework; (2) introduce an original content analysis categorical system for that purpose; (3) demonstrate that system with a study of 90 national news articles about the stratospheric ozone hole; and (4) compare our system to others used to examine news content. We report that our system, used by human coders, is well geared to describing and mapping trends in the social process surrounding the development of the Montreal Protocol ozone treaty during the intelligence gathering and promotion phases encompassed by our data sample. We argue that other content analysis systems fall short – in structure and purpose – of meeting the promise ours holds to the policy scientist.  相似文献   
663.
Do “niche” parties—such as Communist, Green, and extreme nationalist parties—adjust their policies in response to shifts in public opinion? Would such policy responsiveness enhance these parties' electoral support? We report the results of statistical analyses of the relationship between parties' policy positions, voters' policy preferences, and election outcomes in eight Western European democracies from 1976 to 1998 that suggest that the answer to both questions is no . Specifically, we find no evidence that niche parties responded to shifts in public opinion, while mainstream parties displayed consistent tendencies to respond to public opinion shifts. Furthermore, we find that in situations where niche parties moderated their policy positions they were systematically punished at the polls (a result consistent with the hypothesis that such parties represent extreme or noncentrist ideological clienteles), while mainstream parties did not pay similar electoral penalties. Our findings have important implications for political representation, for spatial models of elections, and for political parties' election strategies.  相似文献   
664.
665.

Objectives

Conventional statistical modeling in criminology assumes proper model specification. Very strong and unrebutted criticisms have existed for decades. Some respond that although the criticisms are correct, there is for observational data no alternative. In this paper, we provide an alternative.

Methods

We draw on work in econometrics and statistics from several decades ago, updated with the most recent thinking to provide a way to properly work with misspecified models.

Results

We show how asymptotically, unbiased regression estimates can be obtained along with valid standard errors. Conventional statistical inference can follow.

Conclusions

If one is prepared to work with explicit approximations of a “true” model, defensible analyses can be obtained. The alternative is working with models about which all of the usual criticisms hold.
  相似文献   
666.
One hundred and five high school and college students were given tasks of social sensitivity, perspective taking, prosocial moral reasoning, and prohibitive moral reasoning. Social sensitivity and perspective taking were positively related to both types of moral reasoning, but only for females. For both males and females, level of principled moral reasoning was greater for the prosocial dilemmas than for the prohibitive dilemmas. Findings are generally viewed as being supportive of Piaget's and Kohlberg's conceptualizations of the nature of moral judgment. Differences between the two types of unrelated moral reasoning are discussed in terms of the relation between an individually constructed set of ethics and a more general social code of ethics.Received his Ph.D. in developmental psychology from the University of Illinois at Chicago Circle in 1976. His research interests include the development of social cognition and the effects of divorce on children.  相似文献   
667.
This article identifies and examines the role of actors involved in the process of large-scale land acquisitions in Cameroon. It is based on primary data from interviews conducted among principal actors. Findings reveal that government, chiefs, and to some extent elites, play key roles in formal and informal processes that grant land to investors. However, both processes neglect women and affected communities because there are no mechanisms to hold actors accountable to them, especially to women who depend on land for their livelihood. The article concludes that a legal framework that makes the process transparent and promotes accountability and gender inclusiveness is indispensable.  相似文献   
668.
Acetaminophen overdose is a leading cause of drug‐induced liver failure in the United States. Acetaminophen–protein adducts have been suggested as a biomarker of hepatotoxicity. The purpose of this study was to determine whether protein‐derived acetaminophen–protein adducts are quantifiable in postmortem samples. Heart blood, femoral blood, and liver tissue were collected at autopsy from 22 decedents suspected of opioid–acetaminophen overdose. Samples were assayed for protein‐derived acetaminophen–protein adducts, acetaminophen, and selected opioids found in combination products containing acetaminophen. Protein‐derived APAP‐CYS was detected in 17 of 22 decedents and was measurable in blood that was not degraded or hemolyzed. Heart blood concentrations ranged from 11 ng/mL (0.1 μM) to 7817 ng/mL (28.9 μM). Protein‐derived acetaminophen–protein adducts were detectable in liver tissue for 20 of 22 decedents. Liver histology was also performed for all decedents, and no evidence of centrilobular hepatic necrosis was observed.  相似文献   
669.
Lawrence Sáez 《管理》2016,29(1):47-65
What political variables explain variations in subnational fiscal expenditures on interest payments on the debt? The author argues that the political budget cycle and center‐right political party ideology—rather than the effective number of parties, alternation of power, ideological proximity between the central government and constituent units, or most forms of political party ideology—can help explain the level of expenditures on interest payment of subnational debt in India. The core empirical finding is that significant increases in expenditures on the debt occur the year in which a state assembly election is held in India.  相似文献   
670.
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