Substance abusers in jail: Health service breakdown in five New York jails

The New York State Commission of Correction Medical Review Board studied five inmate mortalities which occurred between 1986 and 1989 in different New York State jails. The jails varied in size and in health care delivery capacity, but shared several characteristics, particularly severe overcrowding, high annual rates of population growth, and high concentrations of substance abusing inmates. Each inmate mortality case revealed an unprepared failure in health care delivery in which, absent such failure, the outcome may have been different. Influx of ever-increasing numbers of acutely and chronically ill substance abusers under overcrowded conditions intensifies demand on unprepared health care systems which increasingly break down. Jail health care systems should be evaluated in light of current population size and changing inmate health care needs.     

Voter turnout and the benefits of voting

A model of voting behavior is developed that predicts that individuals vote if the absolute value of voting for or against a referendum exceeds the cost of voting. The results obtained from examining voting on city-county consolidation referenda and in New York state (1) provide support for the relatively untested prediction that turnout rises as the absolute value of the mean gains resulting from an electoral outcome increase and (2) augment the evidence that turnout rises as the probability of altering an electoral outcome increases and falls as the cost of voting rises.     

Provider medicaid fraud: A note on white-coat crime

To date, relatively few empirical studies have been conducted of provider medicaid fraud or, more generally, of “white-coat crime”--offenses by health professionals. Based on data accumulated by a quality control unit on the duplicate billings for a single service by New York State providers, the present research attempts to help fill this void by assessing the prevalence of medicaid fraud. Two conclusions are suggested by the data. First, unlike other realms of upperworld criminality, provider fraud does not appear to be pervasive. Second, provider occupations with more of a business orientation appear to have a greater involvement in fraudulent activities than groups that are more fully professionalized.     

Merging content analysis and the policy sciences: A system to discern policy-specific trends from news media reports

In this article we set out to bridge a surprising methodological gap between two time-honored research traditions – news media content analysis and the policy sciences analytic framework. Lasswell, a recognized pioneer of both the method and the framework, discussed the mutual benefits of each decades ago. But few researchers, if any, have formally linked the two. To that end, in this article we (1) make the case for using news media content analysis to inform research studies using the policy sciences analytic framework; (2) introduce an original content analysis categorical system for that purpose; (3) demonstrate that system with a study of 90 national news articles about the stratospheric ozone hole; and (4) compare our system to others used to examine news content. We report that our system, used by human coders, is well geared to describing and mapping trends in the social process surrounding the development of the Montreal Protocol ozone treaty during the intelligence gathering and promotion phases encompassed by our data sample. We argue that other content analysis systems fall short – in structure and purpose – of meeting the promise ours holds to the policy scientist.     

Are Niche Parties Fundamentally Different from Mainstream Parties? The Causes and the Electoral Consequences of Western European Parties' Policy Shifts, 1976–1998

Do “niche” parties—such as Communist, Green, and extreme nationalist parties—adjust their policies in response to shifts in public opinion? Would such policy responsiveness enhance these parties' electoral support? We report the results of statistical analyses of the relationship between parties' policy positions, voters' policy preferences, and election outcomes in eight Western European democracies from 1976 to 1998 that suggest that the answer to both questions is no . Specifically, we find no evidence that niche parties responded to shifts in public opinion, while mainstream parties displayed consistent tendencies to respond to public opinion shifts. Furthermore, we find that in situations where niche parties moderated their policy positions they were systematically punished at the polls (a result consistent with the hypothesis that such parties represent extreme or noncentrist ideological clienteles), while mainstream parties did not pay similar electoral penalties. Our findings have important implications for political representation, for spatial models of elections, and for political parties' election strategies.