全文获取类型
收费全文 | 143篇 |
免费 | 3篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 9篇 |
工人农民 | 4篇 |
世界政治 | 22篇 |
外交国际关系 | 9篇 |
法律 | 39篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 59篇 |
综合类 | 2篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 4篇 |
2018年 | 3篇 |
2017年 | 2篇 |
2016年 | 4篇 |
2015年 | 3篇 |
2014年 | 2篇 |
2013年 | 16篇 |
2012年 | 4篇 |
2011年 | 3篇 |
2010年 | 3篇 |
2009年 | 5篇 |
2008年 | 4篇 |
2007年 | 6篇 |
2006年 | 2篇 |
2005年 | 5篇 |
2004年 | 6篇 |
2003年 | 6篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
2000年 | 6篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 5篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 5篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1986年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1971年 | 1篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有146条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
91.
92.
Susan J. Popkin Diane K. Levy Laura E. Harris Jennifer Comey Mary K. Cunningham Larry F. Buron 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(2):385-414
Abstract During the 1990s, the federal government dramatically changed its policy on housing the poor. Under the HOPE VI (Housing Opportunities for People Everywhere) Program, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development intended to address the concentration of troubled low‐income households in public housing by moving away from its reliance on project‐based assistance and promoting instead the construction of mixed‐income housing and the use of housing subsidies. This article presents important evidence from two systematic, multicity studies on how the original residents of HOPE VI developments have been affected by this radical new approach to public housing. While many residents have clearly benefited, the findings raise critical questions about whether the transformation of public housing will achieve its potential as a powerful force for improving the lives of low‐income families. 相似文献
93.
Katja Levy 《The Pacific Review》2019,32(5):898-921
AbstractThis article investigates whether the People’s Republic of China and Japan perceive each other as rivals in Latin America (LA; both the Chinese and Japanese governments tend to refer to the region as Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), but for the purposes of this article we focus mainly on LA), and what impact such a perception might have on their foreign policy decision-making. We take LA as a case study because China’s and Japan’s recent (re-)engagement there began almost simultaneously in the early 2000s, and has developed against the background of domestic leadership transitions, growing demands for energy and markets, as well as international political agendas in which LA might play a key role. Developing the work of Thompson [(1995). Principal rivalries. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 39 (2), 195–223; (2001). Identifying rivals and rivalries in world politics. International Studies Quarterly, 45(4), 557–586] and Vasquez [(1993). The War Puzzle. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press; (1996). Distinguishing rivals that go to war from those that do not: Aa quantitative comparative case study of the two paths to war. International Studies Quarterly, 40 (4), 531–558] on rivalry, in combination with perception theory [Jervis, R. (1976). Perception and misperception in international politics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press], the article suggests three indicators by which to measure the extent to which China and Japan might perceive each other as rivals. Drawing on content analysis of a range of Chinese- and Japanese-language official writing, news reports, and academic analysis, the article argues that, despite some media representation of China and Japan as competitors for resources and power in LA, in fact mutual perceptions concerning rivalry have not affected LA policy decisions of these two countries. 相似文献
94.
Bronwen Levy 《澳大利亚女权主义者研究》1988,3(7-8):225-229
Joyce Stevens, Taking the Revolution Home: Work Among Women in the Communist Party of Australia: 1920–1945 (Sybylla) Fitzroy, 1987. 相似文献
95.
96.
97.
98.
Susan J. Popkin Larry F. Buron Diane K. Levy Mary K. Cunningham 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(4):911-942
Abstract The current transformation of public and assisted housing reflects the legacy of the Gautreaux case, which created the first mobility and scattered‐site programs. Mixed‐income and dispersal strategies now dominate federal housing policy, although their focus has shifted. Drawing on evidence from two preliminary studies of public housing transformation in Chicago, we argue that these new strategies seem to offer benefits for distressed public housing communities but also involve risks for the most vulnerable current tenants. Increased screening and/or the need to compete with private market tenants may force these families out of the assisted housing market. Addressing the complex needs of the most troubled public housing tenants will call for a more comprehensive solution. The intent of the Gautreaux case was to increase opportunity and enhance quality of life for public housing tenants; policy makers should take steps to ensure that current programs reflect these fundamental goals. 相似文献
99.
David A.L. Levy 《West European politics》2013,36(4):24-42
In 1996–67 France, Germany and Britain overhauled their broadcasting legislation, at least in part in response to the impact of digital technology. The fact that these countries felt it necessary to reform their broadcasting systems at the same time, that they were all facing the common challenge of digital broadcasting, and that they had all recently liberalised their telecommunications industries in the face of technological change and EU policy leadership, led to the expectation that their broadcasting policies might also converge in a similar direction; an expectation supported by much of the literature on policy convergence. This article examines the broadcasting reforms that were undertaken and finds that there was very little evidence of policy convergence and attributes this largely to the strong, national institutional structures and intense politicisation that characterise the broadcasting sector. 相似文献
100.
Hannah Maslen Thomas Douglas Roi Cohen Kadosh Neil Levy Julian Savulescu 《Journal of Law and the Biosciences》2014,1(1):68-93
This article presents a model for regulating cognitive enhancement devices (CEDs). Recently, it has become very easy for individuals to purchase devices which directly modulate brain function. For example, transcranial direct current stimulators are increasingly being produced and marketed online as devices for cognitive enhancement. Despite posing risks in a similar way to medical devices, devices that do not make any therapeutic claims do not have to meet anything more than basic product safety standards. We present the case for extending existing medical device legislation to cover CEDs. Medical devices and CEDs operate by the same or similar mechanisms and pose the same or similar risks. This fact coupled with the arbitrariness of the line between treatment and enhancement count in favour of regulating these devices in the same way. In arguing for this regulatory model, the paper highlights potential challenges to its implementation, and suggests solutions. 相似文献