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911.
Liam Allmark 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(2):184-202
Despite various works suggesting the contrary, legislatures in non-democratic states are overwhelmingly generalised as ‘rubber-stamps’ that provide nothing other than latent legitimacy for those in power. Based on examination of legislatures in 10 of the world's most undemocratic states this paper highlights their capacity to act in precisely the opposite manner, serving to empower citizens, strengthen opposition groups and weaken dictatorial regimes. Whilst recognising that legislatures can be manipulated and subjugated by such regimes, the article seeks to highlight the variations between legislatures and the need to take account of their true potential. 相似文献
912.
Mitchell P. Smith 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(4):283-301
The European Union's delicate institutional balance between intergovern‐mentalism and supranationalism has been the source of both the EU's successes and its problems. This balance is under scrutiny as representatives of Member States and EU institutions pursue their particular visions of democratic legitimacy in the course of the 1996–97 Intergovernmental Conference. This essay examines three competing conceptualisations of democratic legitimacy: the Gaullist view, which associates legitimacy narrowly with national sovereignty; a national culture perspective that posits a unique correspondence of national character and national parliaments; and a parliamentary view that associates legitimacy with the role played by parliaments in scrutinising the behaviour of executives, whether at national or European level. Only the last of these perspectives acknowledges that democratic legitimacy is a continuous variable rather than an all‐or‐nothing concept, and that the EU may therefore accumulate legitimacy by improving both the process and substance of policy making within the logic of existing institutional structures. 相似文献
913.
Robert D. Brown Jennifer M. Davis L. Marvin Overby Charles E. Smith Jr. David R. Holian 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(2):70-88
In this study, we enter the on‐going debate on committee outliers by addressing two important points. First, we dispute the conventional wisdom that committee outliers are best identified and evaluated using traditional tests of statistical significance. Contesting the appropriateness of such tests, we contend that any observed difference between chamber behaviour and floor behaviour may be substantively significant and use raw mean differences between Americans for Democratic Action (ADA) scores to examine differences between the full House of Representatives and its committees. Second, we attempt to integrate the committee outlier literature into the broader literature on the historical development of the House by using data from 20 Congresses over four decades (1951–90). This longitudinal analysis indicates that there have been interesting dynamic changes in the prevalence of committee outliers across time and committee types in patterns that are consistent with both the principal‐agent framework and the more general literature on congressional change and reform. Many of these important changes are not obvious when relying solely on traditional tests of statistical significance to examine committee outliers. 相似文献
914.
The landscape of legal advice provision is entering a period of significant change in England and Wales. Whilst there is a great deal of uncertainty about how the future landscape of advice service provision will evolve, there are lessons to be drawn from past delivery models. This article first looks back at the period following the Access to Justice Act 1999, setting out a range of delivery models initiated following the Act, as well as research and evaluation conducted in the millennium decade. Findings are then presented from a comprehensive qualitative study on how people experience and deal with social welfare and family problems, and on facilitators and barriers to integrated advice provision, including inter-organisational working. This is explored through the lens of a delivery model which emphasised partnership and the pooling of resources and specialisms to meet client needs: the Community Legal Advice Centre model. 相似文献
915.
G. Stevenson Smith 《Digital Investigation》2013,9(3-4):193-199
Jump lists show the file opening activity of a computer user. When a computer user wants to know the most recent file they opened, a jump list can provide that information. Windows 7 displays jump lists for recently used files, but more importantly for investigators, it also records hidden jump list artifacts. These hidden jump list artifacts reveal the complete trail a fraudster follows in creating fraudulent documents or to perform other illegal activities when using their computers. Such jump list artifacts can remain on the computer's drives for years. The paper describes a method that can be used to identify artifacts and their potential for use as forensic evidence in a financial fraud case. 相似文献
916.
This article discusses the British political system's reliance on party manifestos and suggests that they deserve study as rhetorical texts. The magazine-like 1997 manifestos of the Conservative, Labour, and Liberal Democrat Parties are analyzed with respect to their iconic structure, the priority of policy domains in their social critiques, their historical narratives, and their narratives on the central issue of economics. Results suggest that all three parties focused on British history since 1979 and on economic issues. The Conservative Manifesto subordinated people to icons and graphs, concentrated on economic analyses, and portrayed the party's policies as successful. Labour and Liberal Democrats emphasized economic failures; the Liberal Democrats sought wide-ranging populist reforms, while "New" Labour ran against the Tory record and the historic radicalism of "Old" Labour. 相似文献
917.
Lahra Smith 《Democratization》2013,20(5):867-897
A comparison of recent contested elections in Kenya and Ethiopia points to divergences in the forms of political violence. While both countries saw the use of excessive force by members of the security services, Kenya experienced more widespread and deadly inter-ethnic violence than Ethiopia. This article considers these two countries in light of competing explanations for inter-ethnic violence, and concludes that variation in the extent of constitutional reforms is critical in influencing citizens’ responses to close electoral contests. In Kenya, there has been a lack of meaningful constitutional and institutional reform since the introduction of multiparty politics in the early 1990s. By contrast, Ethiopia has seen extensive and substantive constitutional reform in a similar period, but without a negotiated pact among political elites. In both cases, electoral procedures have heightened the stakes of politics and therefore led to significant and escalating political violence, but in unforeseen ways. The important electoral issue of regionalism or devolution in both countries is also briefly considered here. The violence surrounding the elections raises concerns about how to sustain citizen engagement with elections and other democratization activities when these fail to meet voter expectations over several electoral cycles. 相似文献
918.
One of the distinguishing features of international terrorism the past fifteen years has been the resurgence and proliferation of terrorist groups motivated by a religious imperative. Such groups are far more lethal than their secular counterparts, regarding violence as a divine duty or sacramental act conveyed by sacred text and imparted by clerical authority. Moreover, religious terrorism is not restricted to Islamic terrorist groups exclusively in the Middle East. The same characteristics—the legitimization of violence based on religious precepts, the sense of profound alienation and isolation, and the attendant preoccupation with the elimination of a broadly defined category of “enemies”—are also apparent among American Christian white supremacists, among some radical Jewish messianic terrorist movements in Israel, and among radical Sikh movements in India. Finally, as many of these groups embrace strong millennialist or apocalyptic beliefs, we may be on the cusp of a new and potentially more dangerous era of terrorism as the year 2000—the literal millennium—approaches. 相似文献
919.
Several core propositions of self-control theory were tested utilizing self-reported data gathered from university students in Malta, Trinidad and Tobago, and the United States. The results provide some support for the claim that ineffective parenting decreases self-control and strong support for the proposition that self-control increases deviant behavior. Additionally, tests of slope differences for key theoretical variables across samples generated findings that are largely consistent with the theory's cultural invariance thesis. Implications of the findings from this multinational test are discussed. 相似文献
920.
Jean Joana & Andy Smith 《West European politics》2013,36(1):70-89
Numerous sector-specific studies have shown that over the past 20 years different parts of the French state have changed their relationship to national industry and the European Union. However, the defence sector has been both under-studied and the victim of an assumption of ‘military exceptionalism’. Based upon empirical research into the ordering of the Airbus A400M military transporter, this article uses a cognitive approach to policy analysis to unpack the sets of actors and distribution of power which today make French procurement decisions. It shows that many policy preferences have changed considerably but that the key protagonists have remained remarkably stable. 相似文献