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101.
New data show that between 1982 and 2007, in over 60 countries governments were linked to and cooperated with informal armed groups within their own borders. Given the prevalence of these linkages, we ask how such links between governments and informal armed groups influence the risk of repression. We draw on principal-agent arguments to explore how issues of monitoring and control help understanding of the impact of militias on human rights violations. We argue that such informal agents increase accountability problems for the governments, which is likely to worsen human rights conditions for two reasons. First, it is more difficult for governments to control and to train these militias, and they may have private interests in the use of violence. Second, informal armed groups allow governments to shift responsibility and use repression for strategic benefits while evading accountability. Using a global dataset from 1982 to 2007, we show that pro-government militias increase the risk of repression and that the presence of militias also affects the type of violations that we observe. 相似文献
102.
Alessio Degl' Innocenti Linda B. Hassing Ann-Sophie Lindqvist Hans Andersson Lars Eriksson Frances Hagelbäck Hanson Nina Möller Thomas Nilsson Björn Hofvander Henrik Anckarsäter 《International journal of law and psychiatry》2014
To the best of our knowledge, the present register is the only nationwide forensic psychiatric patient register in the world. The aim of this article is to describe the content of the Swedish National Forensic Psychiatric Register (SNFPR) for Swedish forensic patients for the year 2010. The subjects are individuals who, in connection with prosecution due to criminal acts, have been sentenced to compulsory forensic psychiatric treatment in Sweden. The results show that in 2010, 1476 Swedish forensic patients were assessed in the SNFPR; 1251 (85%) were males and 225 (15%) were females. Almost 60% of the patients had a diagnosis of schizophrenia, with a significantly higher frequency among males than females. As many as 70% of the patients had a previous history of outpatient psychiatric treatment before becoming a forensic psychiatric patient, with a mean age at first contact with psychiatric care of about 20 years old for both sexes. More than 63% of the patients had a history of addiction, with a higher proportion of males than females. Furthermore, as many as 38% of all patients committed crimes while under the influence of alcohol and/or illicit drugs. This was more often the case for men than for women. Both male and female patients were primarily sentenced for crimes related to life and death (e.g., murder, assault). However, there were more females than males in treatment for general dangerous crimes (e.g., arson), whereas men were more often prosecuted for crimes related to sex. In 2010, as many as 70% of all forensic patients in Sweden had a prior sentence for a criminal act, and males were prosecuted significantly more often than females. The most commonly prescribed pharmaceuticals for both genders were antipsychotics, although more women than men were prescribed other pharmaceuticals, such as antidepressants, antiepileptics, and anxiolytics. The result from the present study might give clinicians an opportunity to reflect upon and challenge their traditional treatment methods. 相似文献
103.
Linda Martz 《Women's history review》2020,29(6):1000-1015
ABSTRACT In the decades before World War One, a group of women fought for their right to control their own futures, claiming that their governance was in the hands of men whose interests lay in keeping women subservient. Initially articulated by an educated, middle-class few, the women's demands were embraced by widening numbers of both women and men. They saw their hopes dashed on several occasions by political manoeuvring, and only after WWI did their demands begin to be met. This is not an account of the women’s suffrage movement, but rather of the fight for the registration of trained nurses. Both movements claimed the right of women to be actors in their public lives and both faced public condemnation for transgressing social boundaries. The two movements interacted, with nurses connecting their struggle to the wider call for women's rights, and with the suffrage movement foregrounding nurses as disenfranchised women professionals. 相似文献
104.
105.
Sarah E. Anderson Daniel M. Butler Laurel Harbridge-Yong G. Agustin Markarian 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2023,48(1):203-218
Understanding differential policy costs across constituencies, and how they link to legislators' policy preferences, can facilitate policy changes that solve pressing problems. We examine the role of policy costs on constituents by studying legislator support for taxing gasoline. Analysis of survey responses from US state legislators, as well as of their voting records, shows that legislators whose constituents would be most affected by an increased gas tax—those whose constituents have longer commutes—are more likely to oppose higher gas taxes. Separately estimating the impact of time spent driving to work versus using public transit shows that the effect of commute times comes from those who have long drives, not from those who ride public transit, highlighting how the policy costs to constituents is a major driver in legislators' considerations. We finish the article by discussing the implications of our findings for combating climate change and for understanding policy feedbacks. 相似文献
106.
We argue that politicians systematically discount the opinions of constituents with whom they disagree and that this “disagreement discounting” is a contributing factor to ideological incongruence. A pair of survey experiments where state and local politicians are the subjects of interest show that public officials rationalize this behavior by assuming that constituents with opposing views are less informed about the issue. This finding applies both to well‐established issues that divide the parties as well as to nonpartisan ones. Further, it cannot be explained by politicians’ desires to favor the opinions of either copartisans or likely voters. A third survey experiment using a sample of voters shows that the bias is exacerbated by an activity central to representative governance—taking and explaining one's policy positions. This suggests that the job of being a representative exacerbates this bias. 相似文献
107.
Many states use a broad legal definition of domestic violence that includes intimate partner violence along with family violence, and it is from this broader conceptualization that the criminal justice system intervenes and often treats all types of offenders in the same way. This judicial response can include a mandate to attend a Batterer Intervention Program-type group, which does little to address violence that occurs outside of the “traditional” partner violence paradigm. In order to advance interventions for physical partner violence that adequately address both male and female perpetration, as well as the broader conceptualization of domestic violence, we must align definitions and standards among researchers, service providers, advocates, policymakers, and the public health and criminal justice systems. Examples of how this misalignment has stalled progress in offender treatment are discussed and a plan for enabling continued innovation in the field is presented. 相似文献
108.
109.
Umar Farooq Mosab I. Tabash Mamdouh Abdulaziz Saleh Al-Faryan Linda Nalini Daniel Ibtehal M. Aburezeq 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2024,24(2):e2911
The current analysis aims to explore the empirical nexus between financial development, foreign direct investment (FDI) inflow, and employment rate. To attain this aim, we collect 30 years of annual data over the period 1990 to 2019 from South Asian economies and employ the autoregressive dynamic least square (ARDL) model for regression analysis. The implication of the ARDL model was subject to the mixed stationarity status of the series as assessed by unit root testing. The robustness of the analysis was checked by employing the fully modified ordinary least square (FMOLS) and dynamic ordinary least square (DOLS) models. The statistical analysis infers that both financial development and FDI inflow enhance the employment rate in the South Asia region. In addition, the empirical analysis infers that the gross capital formation, economic growth, and export volume have a positive while the population growth rate has a negative effect on the employment rate. The impact of underlying explanatory variables was found significant only in long run. The estimated coefficient values in the case of FMOLS and DOLS models support the direction of the relationship between explanatory variables and employment rate, implying the robustness of the analysis. The findings of the current analysis can be used to devise efficient economic policies to cope with the encroaching issue of unemployment in the South Asia region. This study offers the robustness to existing literature and complements the literature by exploring the underlying arrangement of study to the whole South Asia group. 相似文献
110.
Norman H. Nie Darwin W. Miller III Saar Golde Daniel M. Butler Kenneth Winneg 《American journal of political science》2010,54(2):428-439
We propose a framework for understanding how the Internet has affected the U.S. political news market. The framework is driven by the lower cost of production for online news and consumers' tendency to seek out media that conform to their own beliefs. The framework predicts that consumers of Internet news sources should hold more extreme political views and be interested in more diverse political issues than those who solely consume mainstream television news. We test these predictions using two large datasets with questions about news exposure and political views. Generally speaking, we find that consumers of generally left‐of‐center (right‐of‐center) cable news sources who combine their cable news viewing with online sources are more liberal (conservative) than those who do not. We also find that those who use online news content are more likely than those who consume only television news content to be interested in niche political issues. 相似文献