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151.
152.
This paper examines the impact of tax and expenditure limitations (TELs) on state governments. We examine how TELs are represented in empirical modeling. We compare and contrast an index of state-level TEL restrictiveness to a simple dummy variable approach. We use a panel of data for the 50 U.S. states to capture changes in state TELs and a generalized method of moments (GMM) dynamic panel estimator. We find that results vary across the two methods of capturing the presence of TELs, suggesting that simple dummy variables are not sufficient to capture the heterogeneity of TELs across states and over time. 相似文献
153.
In the face of increasing demand in this era of “fend for yourself federalism,” greater numbers of university-based organization development consultants will likely be working closely with city and county governments in the coming years. Questions of authority to engage the consultant and to implement any new policies which result from the OD intervention process are not always easy to answer. This paper describes an illustrative case study in which failure to answer these questions resulted in the premature termination of an ongoing intervention. Lessons learned from this “failure” and steps which might be taken to avoid similar outcomes in comparable circumstances are discussed. 相似文献
154.
Lindsay Clutterbuck 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(1):154-181
The literature on the origins of modern terrorism generally acknowledges that terrorism as a recognisable phenomenon had its roots during the latter decades of the nineteenth century and that the first exponents to embrace violence in a systematic way as a strategy to achieve their political ends were the extremist groups of the social revolutionary movement in Russia, particularly Narodnya Volya. Their campaign of terrorist attacks culminated in March 1881 with the assassination of Tsar Alexander the Second and thus both the conceptual and methodological seeds had been sown that led in the following century to the political violence in the characteristic form that we now refer to as terrorism. It is argued here that this unilinear model is flawed as it ignores the seminal contribution to the development of terrorism in the twentieth century made by the extreme Irish nationalist movement. During the years from January 1881 to January 1885 they mounted a series of bomb attacks in cities on the British mainland with the objective of forcing the government to relinquish its rule of the island of Ireland. Their strategy, operational methodology, tactics and targeting were innovative in both concept and execution and in turn they provided a blueprint for the conduct of terrorism that has not changed fundamentally for well over a hundred years. Terrorism, as it manifested itself in the 20th century, owes at least as much to the strategy, tactics and techniques developed and applied in the 19th century by the “physical force” proponents of the Irish republican movement as it does to the more readily acknowledged activities of the Russian revolutionaries. 相似文献
155.
Hannah Lena Merdian Cate Curtis Jo Thakker Nick Wilson Douglas Pieter Boer 《Journal of Sexual Aggression》2013,19(1):121-132
Abstract The internet has opened up opportunities for non-contact sex offending, such as the viewing of child pornography. This paper proposes a model for the classification of child pornography offenders as an aid for their assessment and treatment, deducted from empirical studies and existing typologies for child pornography offenders. Different subgroups of child pornography offenders may be described according to three dimensions: (1) type of offending, (2) the motivation behind child pornography offending and (3) the situational and social engagement in the offending behaviour. Distinct pathways of child pornography offending can be identified, related to differing criminogenic needs, severity of offending, and appropriate assessment and treatment strategies for the offenders. 相似文献
156.
The views and attitudes that lawmakers have about sexual offenders and sexual victimization can be influential in criminal lawmaking. And given the popularity of sex offender laws, policy-makers are central players in how state justice systems respond to sex crimes. Therefore, state-level policy-makers from across the country, who sponsored and passed at least one sex offender law in their state, (n?=?61) were interviewed about sex offenders and sex crimes. Policy-makers believe sex offender laws are too broad. The laws extend to nonviolent offenses, low-risk offenders, and thus dilute the law enforcement potency of sex offender registries. Policy-makers view existing sex offender laws as necessary to enhance public safety and as proof that lawmakers are responding to the needs and concerns of the public. Sex offender laws were also discussed as a source of political capital; a way to help ensure reelection. The sexual victimization of children and the media’s coverage of sex crimes were instrumental in these state-level policy-makers’ decisions to sponsor sex offender laws. Policy and research recommendations are offered. 相似文献
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