奥运安全与流动人口犯罪--流动人口犯罪的发展趋势与防控策略

本文预断,受奥运筹办工作的影响,流动人口犯罪的数量将会增长,犯罪的类型也将增多.对流动人口犯罪,我们应冷静对待,理性地分析原因、探讨合理对策;应采取切实有效措施保护流动人口的正当权益;应把犯罪机会的减少、控制作为流动人口犯罪防控的重点.     

Book reviews

Journal of Chinese Political Science -     

Narratives of Irishness and the Problem of Abortion: The X Case 1992

This paper considers the ways in which discourses of abortion and discourses of national identity were constructed and reproduced through the events of the X case in the Republic of Ireland in 1992. This case involved a state injunction against a 14-year-old rape victim and her parents, to prevent them from obtaining an abortion in Britain. By examining the controversy the case gave rise to in the national press, I will argue that the terms of abortion politics in Ireland shifted from arguments based on rights to arguments centred on national identity, through the questions the X case raised about women's citizenship status, and women's position in relation to the nation and the state. Discourses of national identity and discourses of abortion shifted away from entrenched traditional positions, towards more liberal articulations.     

人肺癌中TNF-α基因多态性分布的意义及其对细胞凋亡的影响

目的:观察TNF-α基因启动子区-308位核苷酸多态性基因型在肺癌和对照人群中的分布,以及这种多态性对该基因表达和细胞凋亡的影响。方法:PER-RFLP分析112例肺癌和99例正常人的TNF-α基因启动子区-308位核苷酸多态性,TNF-α-308*G等位基因记做TNF-α1,TNF-α-308*A等位基因记做TNF- α2。免疫组织化学方法检测肺癌组织中TNF-α的表达,比较不同基因型肺癌病例的标本之间TNF-α基因表达的差异性。TUNEL法检测肺癌组织中细胞凋亡,并对比分析TNF-α-308位核苷酸多态性及其对肺癌组织中TNF -α表达和不同类型细胞凋亡的影响。结果:肺癌组与对照组的基因型分布为TNF-α1/1(52．7％、46．5％)。 TNF-α1/2(35．7％、48．5％),TNF-α2／2(11．6％、5．1％);等位基因频率为TNF-α1(70．5％、70．7％),TNF- α2(29．5％、29．3％),组间没有显著性差异,P>0．05。两种基因型个体在TNF-α基因表达上,TNF-α2/2基因型个体高于TNF-α1／1基因型的个体,两者差异显著,P<0．01。TNF-α表达的高低与癌细胞凋亡有比较明确的关系,TNF-α表达高的病例,肺癌细胞凋亡也多,与表达低的病例之间有明显差异,P<0．01。TNF-α表达的高低与间质细胞凋亡之间没有明确的关系。间质细胞平均凋亡指数在高、低分化的肺癌中分别为3．4±0．4和 3．1±0．5,组间没有显著性差异,P>0．015;癌细胞的平均凋亡指数在高、低分化的肺癌中分别为2．4±0．3和 1．7±0．4,两组间有显著性差异,P<0．05,,结论:TNF-α-308位核苷酸的多态性基因型在肺癌和正常人中的分布之间没有明显差别,这种多态性可能不是肺癌易感的遗传因素。但这种多态性与该基因的表达有关。TNF-α高表达肺癌细胞凋亡较多,间质细胞凋亡与TNF-α表达的高低变化之间没有明确的关系。在高分化的肺癌中, TNF-α表达较高,癌细胞凋亡也多,TNF-α-308位核苷酸的多态性可能与了肺癌的分化有关。     

Recent Developments to British Multicultural Theory,Policy and Practice: The Case of British Muslims

Since the early 1970s, there have been highly sophisticated arguments and conceptual discussions put forward in relation to how Western liberal democracies might wish to manage their diverse ethnic minority populations. It is apparent, however, that in the current climate, the important principles of unity and diversity are insufficient to challenge differing forms of ethnic, racial, and religious inequality. This paper argues that because of its underlying assumptions and modus operandi in the post-September 11 climate, British multiculturalism has been ineffective, even supporting some commentators' suggestions of a return to assimilationism. There is a new era in post-September 11 political hegemony, economic determinism and structural and cultural racisms, with European government rhetoric and public policy almost exclusively aimed at Muslims—whether as existing citizens or as part of a process of limiting immigration (which has tended to be from mainly Eastern European, North African, and Middle Eastern sending regions and nations). The example of New Labour and how it has attempted to deal with multiculturalism in Britain is a case in point. The discussion explores the changing concept of multiculturalism with special reference to British Muslims and debates that emerge in relation to identity, nation and civil society. It is argued that the experience and treatment of British Muslims is important to explore and appreciate in the current climate as it provides a test case for the future of (a) British multiculturalism and (b) British Muslims in society per se.