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Measurements of the torgue to overcome rigor mortis on the legs of 101 male human cadavers at 5 degrees C are reported. There seems to exist an upper limit, which is dependent on the lay-time, above which no value occurs, but below which every value may be found. By calculating the 90% tolerance limits for lay-times grouped at 12-hourly intervals, this upper limit was found to decrease exponentially with lay-time. This may be used for the estimation of maximum lay-times from rigor mortis measurements. 相似文献
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To answer the question whether a negative result of gas chromatographic blood analysis for components of chemical mace proves that no or at most only slight tear gas exposure can have occurred, animal experiments were carried out. In the blood of 10 guinea pigs, which were exposed to the contents of chemical mace for 1--6 h, the solvants 1,1,2-trichloro-1,2,2-trifluorethane (freon 113) and 1,1,1-trichloroethane could easily be detected--even 23 h after the end of exposure or after a storage of the blood samples for 18 weeks--whereas the lacrimator chloracetophenone (CN) could not be found at all. In vitro experiments showed that CN relatively quickly reacts with components of blood. Therefore, blood samples should be analyzed for CN after withdrawal as soon as possible. In case of inhalation of the contents of chemical mace, i.e., after the comparatively mildest form of CN application, most probably no traces of the lacrimator at all can pass into the blood due to the quick reaction of CN with proteins of the respiratory surface of the lung. 相似文献
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Anthony M. Orum 《Political Behavior》1979,1(1):31-52
In the past three different paradigms or, more loosely, frames of reference, have been used by students of politics to interpret various dimensions of mass political participation. Each of these, which are referred to as the political socialization, the group interests and beliefs, and the political party/organization paradigms, has received empirical support for its scheme of interpretation; yet recent political events also suggest that these frames of reference may be inadequate, and may need to be complemented, if not replaced, by other schemes. The present paper outlines one such scheme, drawing upon recent writings on social networks and social influences on political participation. It relies on the metaphor of a political arena, and proposes two simple propositions to account both for conventional and unconventional participation in this arena.An earlier version of this paper was delivered at the Annual Meetings of the Society for the Study of Social Problems, New York, NY, August 1976. 相似文献