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While the numbers and competencies of international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) have increased dramatically in the past few decades, questions have been raised about the legitimacy of their new activities. A number of scholars have identified significant tensions between INGOs' legitimacy claims and the realities of their working practices. We examine the current state of the debate on INGO legitimacy in two contrasting literatures: normative work on global governance and its implications for the role of INGOs, and policy-oriented work on INGOs' legitimacy. The first shows how INGO involvement in global governance opens the door to a range of alternative conceptions of world order, rooted in notions of universal human rights, democracy, and theories of redistributive justice. The latter set of voices is concerned less with locating INGOs' roles as agents in global normative structures than with analysing concrete problems arising from increased INGO participation in the development process. Future research might take into account key questions concerning the sources and the scope and nature of INGO legitimacy. 相似文献
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John E. Kersell Albert Brookson Louis L. Duzanson R. A. Groeneveldt Xander Arts 《公共行政管理与发展》1993,13(1):49-64
Divided between France and Holland since 1648, the small island community of St Martin has grown and prospered in recent decades largely because of tourism. France which incorporates its part, Saint Martin, as a municipality in the Department of Guadeloupe has been generous with public funds and tax concessions to those who invest in the dependency. The Kingdom of the Netherlands, the governments of its constituent parts (Holland and the Netherlands Antilles), has been more generous with authority than with money. So Dutch Sint Maarten has enjoyed much greater political and administrative autonomy than its northern neighbour, but it has to depend on investment from private interests, American and European. Indeed, it has lacked sufficient public capital even for infrastructure and social services, including education. The governments of both sides have neglected joint planning and other coordinated efforts to develop the island. The Dutch side has been committed to laissez-faire private enterprise and so personnel development in the public service has been minimal. This has disposed the government of the French side to limit joint ventures with the Dutch government. The population is large enough and the revenues are high enough to provide adequate numbers of public officials, but tourism has attracted, in the 1970s and 80s, many of the more able and ambitious. These considerations set the two sides of St Martin apart from other West Indian micro-states, most of which have not experienced as much success in developing and maintaining tourism. St Martin is unique in another way. It is different from other English-speaking islands because of its French and Dutch institutions. It is quite different from other French and Dutch islands (Saba and St Eustatius excepted) because of the English language and other cultural influences. 相似文献
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Louis René Beres 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(4):299-315
Normally, assassination is a crime under international law. Yet there are rare, residual circumstances where it may be not only permissible but law enforcing. Insofar as international law is part of United States law, assassination might—in these very extraordinary circumstances—not be unlawful. Drawing on the explicit expectations of international law and the natural law foundations of U.S. municipal law, this article acknowledges that assassination must always be impermissible as an instrument of Realpolitik, but that in a world that continues to confront innocent populations with terrible harms (terrorism, war, genocide) assassination does have a proper place. Throughout this examination, philosophical and jurisprudential perspectives are fused with both pertinent tactical considerations and utilitarian calculations. 相似文献
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Abstract: This work presents the results of an empirical study on the regional institutions set up in Quebec in 1991, when a new regional development strategy was adopted. The purpose of the study was to measure and compare the relative performance of the regional development boards and to assess the role of the regional social capital as a factor that could explain the discrepancies found. The performance was assessed on the basis of eighteen indicators using quantitative and qualitative data. The results were collated into a single performance indicator; depending on the region, the performance ranged from merely fair to good. In order to determine the underlying causes of differences in performance, seven hypotheses based on sociological theory were tested. Only the social capital hypothesis was confirmed, as it accounted for nearly fifty‐eight per cent of the performance variation. Moreover, the analysis raised a number of issues pertaining to social capital. 相似文献
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