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A major recurrent problem of agronomic research is whether its results can be transformed into recommendations relevant to the livelihood of the intended beneficiaries, the small farmers—and if they can, then how. This problem is illuminated by research on mulching with millet crop residues, and by the translation of the results into agricultural extension in Niger, West Africa. Comparisons of different experiments with identical crop residue applications, conducted in the same year and at the same research station but implemented on different fields and managed by different researchers, showed high heterogeneity in their outcome. In addition, farmers have multiple uses for crop residues, which greatly complicates the formulation and transfer of research recommendations. This discussion is examined from agronomic, economic, and extension viewpoints. The development of adapted innovations for farming systems in Niger requires that the current agronomic research be reconsidered, with a move toward greater participation of farmers. Alternatives to the dominant transfer of technology concept are discussed.  相似文献   
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This article presents a comparative study of the interrelationship between parliamentary party groups and their extra‐parliamentary party organisations in liberal democracies. Starting with a historical overview of the most important party changes that have taken place since the 1960s, a typology of parliamentary party/party organisation relations is suggested. The following variables are identified as being of particular importance in shaping the structure of power in political parties: position of parliament in the political system; (non‐)existence of the incompatibility rule; effects of the electoral system; competition structure and degree of polarisation of the party system; political culture; conditions under which parties emerged; (non‐)existence of public funding for parties; degree of professionalisation of the political elite.  相似文献   
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This paper investigates the trade policy of the EC, based on Art. 115, Treaty of Rome. It is shown that politicians and bureaucrats take advantage of the significant discretion the procedure allows. Political and bureaucratic self-interest are the underlying motives for national trade barriers against non-member countries based on Art. 115. The empirical results support this hypothesis.  相似文献   
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For all their differences, both Austria and Switzerland have long been considered to represent key examples of consociational democracy. Since the 1990s, both countries have however faced major challenges to their respective consociationalist regimes. One of the shared features of regime evolution and change in Austria and Switzerland, which can be meaningfully referred to as ‘de‐consociationalisation’, concerns the successful exploitation of external shocks by powerful populist parties. Taking stock of the developments in four different areas (the electoral, the parliamentary and the executive arena as well as interest group/state relations), we identify a complex dynamic which has made the two countries more similar in some respects, but more different in others. Overall, two decades into the twenty‐first century, Austria is significantly less of a consociationalist regime than Switzerland.  相似文献   
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Fiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in Developing Countries   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Schuknecht  Ludger 《Public Choice》2000,102(1-2):113-128
The paper studies empirically the fiscal policy instruments by which governments try to influence election outcomes in 24 developing countries for the 1973–1992 period. The study finds that the main vehicle for expansionary fiscal policies around elections is increasing public expenditure rather than lowering taxes, and public investment cycles seem particularly prominent. Institutional mechanisms which constrain discretionary expenditure policies and which strengthen fiscal control are therefore worthwhile considering to prevent opportunistic policy making around elections.  相似文献   
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While issues of political leadership have recently powerfully reclaimed ground in international political science, global political leadership has remained strikingly understudied. This article starts with a reconstruction of the diffusive leadership debate in international relations and eventually arrives at the fundamental distinction between structural leadership, relating to the material power capabilities of an actor, and behavioural leadership which refers to the concrete actions of a possible leader. It then inquires what collective actors – from major states via international organizations to transnational movements – could possibly exert global political leadership (structural, behavioural, or both). Overall, the major states would appear to hold the most favourable position, though their relative superiority in terms of material capabilities alone does not turn them into genuine leaders. The most radical visions, such as global leadership by transnational networks of civil society, are also the most vulnerable empirically. Given their explicit focus on ‘real change’, they correspond however more closely to established notions of genuine leadership than the order- and stability-oriented agendas of most other players.  相似文献   
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