The coordination of policy priorities among regional institutions from the Baltic Sea to the Arctic: the institutions – coordination dilemma

We examine the coordination of policy priorities among the Arctic Council, the Barents Euro-Arctic Council, the Council of Baltic Sea States, and the Nordic Council of Ministers. The member states of these groups established these institutions to coordinate their regional cooperation. However, the member states ended up having to coordinate the parallel work of these institutions. This coordination effort influenced their cooperation, creating an institutional coordination dilemma. We analyze how interests, leadership, and identity politics influence this dilemma and how negative, problem-solving, and positive forms of coordination can amend its effects regarding the temporal consistency of policy priorities and their sectoral overlap.     

Leavening Neoliberalization’s Uneven Pathways: Bread,Governance and Political Rationalities in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan

Techniques of governance in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan do not follow a single or unifying logic. Despite a more than decade-long shift towards a neoliberal orientation, market-disciplinary policies coincide with important exceptions. This article employs a modified variegated neoliberalization approach to explore one such exception. Specifically, it analyses the recent debate over the country’s bread subsidy to elucidate key elements of Jordan’s socio-economic transformation. The persistence of this long-standing welfare programme is linked to the uneven pathways of Jordanian neoliberalization and two potent political rationalities imbricated in this process.     

Word on the Street: The Persistence of Leftist-dominated Protest in Europe

Classic studies of protest politics have traditionally defended the dominant left-wing orientation of protesters. However, some recent research has highlighted the general spread of protest by the increasing participation of right-wing individuals. Has this process meant an ‘ideological normalisation’ of protesters? The present article tackles this question by examining competing hypotheses regarding the relationship between ideology and political protest. Through a hierarchical multilevel design, the article tests whether left-wing (or right-wing) supporters are more likely to stay at home when left-wing (right-wing) parties are in power and whether they intensify their protest activities when they are more distant from the government’s ideological position. The article shows that left-wing individuals protest more under right-wing governments than under left-wing governments and yet, they are the group which protest the most also under left-wing governments. Both party mobilisation and values appear to be behind these individuals' greater propensity to participate regardless of the governments' ideological orientation.     

Translating Policies into Informal Settlements' Critical Services: Reframing,Anchoring and Muddling Through

This paper examines how policies and plans are translated into informal settlements' practice. It builds on literature on policy implementation practice and organization studies, and more particularly, it applies the concepts of reframing, anchoring and muddling through. The paper is informed by the case of Kisumu City in Kenya and its Kisumu Integrated Solid Waste Management Plan and its implementation on Kisumu's informal settlements. The plan was funded by the Swedish International Development Agency through the United Nations Human Settlement Programme and implemented from 2007 to 2009. The study is based on action research carried out by a multidisciplinary and transdisciplinary group of researchers, through focus groups, participatory workshops, collaborative action, in‐depth interviews, document analysis and observations. The paper examines what original aspects of Kisumu Integrated Solid Waste Management Plan were translated, that is, which ones faded out and which ones became stabilized into and travel as ‘best practices’ to other locations. The paper shows how the generation of ‘best practices’ can be loosely coupled with the practices that policy seeks to change. It concludes, in line with previous research in the field, how successful policy implementation is based on cultural and political interpretations rather on evidence of improved practices. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

The 2015 Catalan election: a de facto referendum on independence?

The 2015 Catalan regional election, held on 27 September, was framed as a proxy for an independence referendum by the pro-independence parties. This was meant to bypass the PP-led central government's opposition to permit an official referendum. After an election campaign clearly dominated by the independence issue, the results delivered a majority of seats but not of votes for the pro-independence camp. However, the reading of the results as a de facto referendum is not straightforward. Growing polarization around the independence issue resulted in the emergence of two main blocs, for and against independence; in the polarization of stances within the blocs; and in substantial changes in the Catalan party system. The lack of agreement between the secessionist parties over the reappointment of Artur Mas as president almost triggered a new election but, in a last-minute move, Mas stepped aside. The new government aims to declare independence in 18 months.     

Book Reviews

Guy Edwards and J. Timmons Roberts, A Fragmented Continent: Latin America and the Global Politics of Climate Change. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2015. Table, figure, notes, bibliography, index, 274 pp.; hardcover $55, paperback $30, ebook $21. Owen Logan, John‐Andrew McNeish, and Axel Borchgrevink, eds., Contested Powers: The Politics of Energy and Development in Latin America. London: Zed Books, 2015. Tables, figures, bibliographies, index, 366 pp.; hardcover $95, paperback $28.95, ebook. Barbara Fritz and Lena Lavinas, eds., A Moment of Equality for Latin America? Challenges for Redistribution. Burlington: Ashgate, 2015. Tables, figures, bibliography, index, 284 pp.: hardcover $95.96, ebook. Mala Htun, Inclusion Without Representation in Latin America: Gender Quotas and Ethnic Reservations. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Tables, figures, acronyms, appendixes, bibliography, index, 226 pp.; paperback $29.99. Koonings, Kees, and Dirk Kruijt, eds., Violence and Resilience in Latin American Cities. London: Zed Books, 2015. Figures, tables, 208 pp.; paperback $29.95, ebook. Miguel Carter, ed., Challenging Social Inequality: The Landless Rural Workers Movement and Agrarian Reform in Brazil. Durham: Duke University Press, 2015. Photographs, maps, tables, figures, abbreviations, bibliography, index, 544 pp.; hardcover $109.95, paperback $31.95. J. Patrice McSherry, Chilean New Song: The Political Power of Music, 1960s–1973. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 2015. Notes, index, 229 pp.; hardcover $97.50, paperback $44.95, ebook $44.95. Bruce M. Bagley and Jonathan D. Rosen, eds., Colombia's Political Economy at the Outset of the Twenty‐First Century: From Uribe to Santos and Beyond. New York: Lexington Books, 2015. Figures, tables, notes, bibliography, index, 354 pp.; hardcover $100, ebook $99.99. Amy Reynolds, Free Trade and Faithful Globalization: Saving the Market. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Tables, abbreviations, bibliography, index, 198 pp.; hardcover $93, ebook $72.     

Fourfold subalterns: Catalan,women, translators,and theorists

In Europe’s cultural poly-system, the two women translators examined in this paper can be considered subalterns four times over: because of their nation (Catalonia), gender (female), intellectual activity (translation), and genre (for daring to write translation theory). Born in the late nineteenth century, Carme Montoriol (Barcelona, 1893–1966) and Maria Antònia Salvà (Palma, Majorca, 1869 – Llucmajor, Majorca, 1958) were pioneering women of letters. These two, of different origins, were among the first Catalan women translators to reflect on translation in the male-dominated literary circles of the early twentieth century. In 1928, Montoriol added “Brief Introductory Notes” to her Catalan translation of all of Shakespeare’s sonnets (Els sonets de Shakespeare). In 1945, at the height of the terrible repression of Catalan language and literature by Franco’s dictatorship (1936–1975), Salvà wrote a brief but pertinent “Introduction” to her translation of the poems of St Thérèse of Lisieux (Poemes de santa Teresa de l’Infant Jesús). By framing these two paradigmatic translations and accompanying forewords in their context, we will attempt to ascertain how and why these Catalan translators (despite the restrictive, hostile political environment in the case of Salvà) quietly entered the realm of authorship, explained their work, and placed it in the limelight, how and why they employed what appeared to be a “discreet”, “humble” tone and discourse, and an almost colloquial rhetoric, and what relatively original translation ideas they held.     

The problem with autocracy promotion

Recent scholarship has increasingly focused on the international dimensions of authoritarian rule, and the idea of autocracy promotion has gained considerable academic currency. While the literature on autocracy promotion has identified some clear patterns of external support for autocratic incumbents, it has so far failed to demonstrate that these efforts can best be understood as a unified, coherent set of foreign policies that constitute intentional efforts to promote a particular regime type abroad. This article identifies the key deficiencies of existing treatments of the concept and identifies a roadmap to establish some conceptual clarity on the topic. It advances a “strict” definition of autocracy promotion that requires a clear intent on the part of an external actor to bolster autocracy as a form of political regime as well as an underlying motivation that rests in significant part on an ideological commitment to autocracy itself. It also introduces a new typology that places autocracy promotion within the wider context of the international politics of authoritarian rule.     

The sex of participatory democracy. An analysis of the theoretical approaches and experiences of participatory democracy from a feminist viewpoint

The generalist theory of participatory democracy and the non-essentialist feminist approach to forms of democratization have developed in parallel despite sharing an agreement to work towards more shared forms of managing power. The origin of this disunity lies, partly, in the first theoretical body's tendency to present citizen participation as a tool for democratizing the neutral and universal public space. As a result, both theoretical bodies have parallel points of view regarding the elements that structure women's participation. This article explores, through the qualitative analysis of two experiences of participatory democracy in which the feminist viewpoint has been unequally incorporated (Porto Alegre's participatory budgeting?Porto Alegre PB?and the 15M movement), the relationship between the parallel development of the general proposals of the two theoretical bodies and the elements that restrict the participation of women in the practice of participatory democracy.     

Democratization and the secularization of religious parties: the case of Mexico

Under what conditions does democratization erode religious political engagement? The dramatic democratic transitions in the Catholic world during the last quarter of the twentieth century have been accompanied by the widespread decline of Catholic political parties, but the interaction between democratizing reforms and the development of religious parties in the Catholic world remains poorly understood. This article analyses the crucial case of Mexico to explore if, how, and under what conditions electoral participation encourages the differentiation of religious and partisan activism. Relying on archival research and an original data set describing the religious linkages of 302 historic and contemporary leading members of the PAN, Mexico's largest Catholic-inspired party, this article shows that democratization is only indirectly linked to the secularization of religious parties, and its effects are conditional on the resources and opportunities available to religious activists.