全文获取类型
收费全文 | 447篇 |
免费 | 8篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 30篇 |
工人农民 | 1篇 |
世界政治 | 55篇 |
外交国际关系 | 12篇 |
法律 | 168篇 |
中国政治 | 9篇 |
政治理论 | 180篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 3篇 |
2018年 | 3篇 |
2015年 | 3篇 |
2014年 | 4篇 |
2013年 | 26篇 |
2012年 | 15篇 |
2011年 | 17篇 |
2010年 | 15篇 |
2009年 | 17篇 |
2008年 | 23篇 |
2007年 | 21篇 |
2006年 | 19篇 |
2005年 | 9篇 |
2004年 | 4篇 |
2003年 | 11篇 |
2002年 | 7篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 10篇 |
1996年 | 15篇 |
1995年 | 13篇 |
1994年 | 7篇 |
1993年 | 9篇 |
1992年 | 9篇 |
1991年 | 12篇 |
1990年 | 11篇 |
1989年 | 16篇 |
1988年 | 11篇 |
1987年 | 13篇 |
1986年 | 5篇 |
1985年 | 5篇 |
1984年 | 11篇 |
1983年 | 8篇 |
1982年 | 8篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1979年 | 10篇 |
1978年 | 7篇 |
1977年 | 3篇 |
1976年 | 4篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
1970年 | 4篇 |
1967年 | 4篇 |
1966年 | 3篇 |
1960年 | 3篇 |
1959年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有455条查询结果,搜索用时 375 毫秒
341.
MICHAEL L. BENSON 《犯罪学》1984,22(4):573-593
The processing of white collar offenders by the criminal justice system has been a subject of much controversy in criminology and criminal justice studies. In particular, debate has centered on whether these offenders are more or less stigmatized by indictment, conviction, and sentencing than ordinary offenders. Utilizing a sample of white collar offenders, the effects of conviction and sentencing on the loss of occupational status by offenders are explored. The data indicate that loss of occupational status, as a nonlegal consequence of conviction, is not spread evenly through the offender population. Professionals and those employed in the public sector or in licensed occupations are much more likely to lose occupational status than private businessmen or those employed by private businesses. 相似文献
342.
343.
344.
345.
346.
The search for a definition of political corruption that adequately captures the nuances of governmental activity has been a long one. This article defends social or attitudinal definitions of corruption against some recent criticisms. It examines the value of Arnold Heidenheimer's widely cited distinctions among "black,""gray," and "white" corruption using empirical evidence from an interview study of over 100 Australian politicians and 500 voters. The results show that the broad dimensions of corruption — the official, the donor, the payoff, and the favor — identified by John Peters and Susan Welch affect the views of both politicians and voters alike.
Nonetheless, elites and the public come to judgments from different perspectives, and they judge some acts differently. Put another way, some corruption is gray. Politicians judge actions more subtly than do voters, who are more likely to see corruption in all acts. As Michael Johnston has suggested, the different experiences of political insiders and outsiders explain this disparity in their moral outlooks. Insiders are socialized to see at least some actions as functional and therefore not corrupt. Outsiders, unaware of the insiders' rules, tend to judge political action by moral absolutes. Thus the structure of liberal democratic government contributes to conflicting elite and public views of political right and wrong. 相似文献
Nonetheless, elites and the public come to judgments from different perspectives, and they judge some acts differently. Put another way, some corruption is gray. Politicians judge actions more subtly than do voters, who are more likely to see corruption in all acts. As Michael Johnston has suggested, the different experiences of political insiders and outsiders explain this disparity in their moral outlooks. Insiders are socialized to see at least some actions as functional and therefore not corrupt. Outsiders, unaware of the insiders' rules, tend to judge political action by moral absolutes. Thus the structure of liberal democratic government contributes to conflicting elite and public views of political right and wrong. 相似文献
347.
MICHAEL H. MURAKAMI 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2009,34(2):219-244
Republicans in the U.S. House of Representatives tend to retire at a higher rate than Democrats—a fact with potentially important electoral and policy ramifications—but research on the possible explanations for this partisan disparity has been scarce. I test various explanatory hypotheses using multilevel statistical analyses and find that Republicans are more likely to retire—not because they have been the predominant minority party, had more political opportunities, or had different private‐sector experiences, but because they harbor more conservative ideologies than their Democratic colleagues. 相似文献
348.
Contrary to many other areas, international and, in particular, European influences on national policymaking in higher education (HE) have remained limited. This picture, however, changed fundamentally from the late 1990s onward. In 1999, 29 countries signed the Bologna Declaration, denoting the start of the so-called Bologna Process. Thus, a collective supranational platform was developed to confront problem pressure, which has in turn fostered considerable domestic reforms. However, we still have limited knowledge on whether the Bologna Process has actually led to the convergence of national HE policies toward a common model. This article analyzes these questions by focusing on Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries. Because of its tumultuous and inconsistent path of development and the sheer magnitude of the current reform processes, CEE HE stands out as a particularly worthwhile object of analysis for scholars interested in policy convergence as well as policy legacies and path dependencies. 相似文献
349.
MICHAEL BAGGESEN KLITGAARD 《管理》2008,21(4):479-498
School vouchers might seem a natural feature of the liberal welfare model of the U.S. and American society generally. However, for social democratic welfare states in Scandinavia, school vouchers would seem to be a contradiction. Nevertheless, school vouchers have faced severe resistance in the USA, and the program has so far not been adopted as a national educational reform, although sporadic and limited state‐level developments can be observed. In Sweden, however, the social democratic welfare state adopted a national, universal public voucher scheme in the early 1990s. The goal of this article is to explain this counter‐theoretical empirical puzzle. It is argued that the varying output from political processes on school vouchers in the USA and Sweden is to be explained by the different ways in which political institutions affect political decision making in the two countries. 相似文献
350.
An innovative framework combining the ‘multiple streams’ (MS) and ‘punctuated equilibrium’ (PE) models of agenda‐setting is used to explain the transformation of UK climate change and energy policy under the Labour Government between 2006 and 2010. The coupling of the problem, politics and policy streams by policy entrepreneurs (MS), and changes in policy image and institutional venues (PE), were critical in opening a policy window, disrupting the existing policy monopoly and enabling radical policy initiatives. The case study suggests two revisions to the models: (1) policy windows can remain open far longer than either model typically predicts; and (2) party politics, especially where party competition generates a ‘competitive consensus’, can be important for both initiating and prolonging policy change in parliamentary systems. An important factor typically overlooked by both models is the significant policy entrepreneurship role that government ministers can play, particularly when an issue becomes part of their ‘narrative identity’. 相似文献