首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   449篇
  免费   6篇
各国政治   30篇
工人农民   1篇
世界政治   55篇
外交国际关系   12篇
法律   168篇
中国政治   9篇
政治理论   180篇
  2020年   3篇
  2019年   3篇
  2018年   3篇
  2015年   3篇
  2014年   4篇
  2013年   26篇
  2012年   15篇
  2011年   17篇
  2010年   15篇
  2009年   17篇
  2008年   23篇
  2007年   21篇
  2006年   19篇
  2005年   9篇
  2004年   4篇
  2003年   11篇
  2002年   7篇
  2000年   3篇
  1999年   7篇
  1998年   4篇
  1997年   10篇
  1996年   15篇
  1995年   13篇
  1994年   7篇
  1993年   9篇
  1992年   9篇
  1991年   12篇
  1990年   11篇
  1989年   16篇
  1988年   11篇
  1987年   13篇
  1986年   5篇
  1985年   5篇
  1984年   11篇
  1983年   8篇
  1982年   8篇
  1981年   3篇
  1980年   5篇
  1979年   10篇
  1978年   7篇
  1977年   3篇
  1976年   4篇
  1975年   3篇
  1974年   3篇
  1973年   4篇
  1970年   4篇
  1967年   4篇
  1966年   3篇
  1960年   3篇
  1959年   2篇
排序方式: 共有455条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
451.
Although research on terrorism has grown rapidly in recent years, few scholars have applied criminological theories to the analysis of individual‐level political extremism. Instead, researchers focused on radicalization have drawn primarily from political science and psychology and have overwhelmingly concentrated on violent extremists, leaving little variation in the dependent variable. With the use of a newly available data set, we test whether variables derived from prominent criminological theories are helpful in distinguishing between nonviolent and violent extremists. The results show that variables related to social control (lack of stable employment), social learning (radical peers), psychological perspectives (history of mental illness), and criminal record all have significant effects on participation in violent political extremism and are robust across multiple techniques for imputing missing data. At the same time, other common indicators of social control (e.g., education and marital status) and social learning perspectives (e.g., radical family members) were not significant in the multivariate models. We argue that terrorism research would benefit from including criminology insights and by considering political radicalization as a dynamic, evolving process, much as life‐course criminology treats more common forms of crime.  相似文献   
452.
453.
Robert K. Merton's Mass Persuasion (1946) and related 1940s communications research represent a body of work that repays those who read it carefully today. Merton charted a world that became our own, one marked by the interplay of mass media, celebrity, and “public images” that traversed cultures of entertainment, moral life, and politics. In this essay, I read Mass Persuasion through a later Merton article discussing the role of reading and rereading classic texts in the human sciences. After extending Merton's arguments about the functions of predecessor texts, I amplify aspects of Mass Persuasion that remain instructive within political communication and related fields today.  相似文献   
454.
Polls and coalition signals can help strategic voters in multiparty systems with proportional representation and coalition governments to optimise their vote decision. Using a laboratory experiment embedded in two real election campaigns, this study focuses on voters' attention to and perception of polls and coalition signals. The manipulation of polls and coalition signals allows a causal test of their influence on strategic voting in a realistic environment. The findings suggest that active information acquisition to form fairly accurate perceptions of election outcomes can compensate for the advantage of high political sophistication. The theory of strategic voting is supported by the evidence, but only for a small number of voters. Most insincere vote decisions are explained by other factors. Thus, the common practice to consider all insincere voters as strategic is misleading.  相似文献   
455.
Public attitudes towards welfare policy are often explained by political values and perceptions of deservingness of welfare recipients. This article addresses how the impact of values and perceptions varies depending on the contextual information that citizens have available when forming welfare opinions. It is argued that whenever citizens face deservingness‐relevant cues in public debate or the media, a psychological ‘deservingness heuristic’ is triggered prompting individuals spontaneously to think about welfare policy in terms of who deserves help. This is an automatic process, equally influential among the least and the most politically sophisticated. Moreover, when clear deservingness cues are present, the impact of values on opinions vanishes. These arguments are supported by data from two novel experimental studies embedded in separate nationwide opinion surveys. The findings revise conventional wisdom of how values and heuristics influence public opinion and have major implications for understanding dynamics in aggregate welfare opinion and attempts from political elites to manipulate public opinion.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号