全文获取类型
收费全文 | 456篇 |
免费 | 8篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 30篇 |
工人农民 | 1篇 |
世界政治 | 55篇 |
外交国际关系 | 12篇 |
法律 | 177篇 |
中国政治 | 9篇 |
政治理论 | 180篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 3篇 |
2018年 | 3篇 |
2015年 | 3篇 |
2014年 | 4篇 |
2013年 | 26篇 |
2012年 | 15篇 |
2011年 | 18篇 |
2010年 | 15篇 |
2009年 | 17篇 |
2008年 | 24篇 |
2007年 | 21篇 |
2006年 | 19篇 |
2005年 | 9篇 |
2004年 | 4篇 |
2003年 | 11篇 |
2002年 | 8篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 8篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 10篇 |
1996年 | 18篇 |
1995年 | 14篇 |
1994年 | 7篇 |
1993年 | 9篇 |
1992年 | 9篇 |
1991年 | 12篇 |
1990年 | 11篇 |
1989年 | 16篇 |
1988年 | 11篇 |
1987年 | 13篇 |
1986年 | 5篇 |
1985年 | 5篇 |
1984年 | 11篇 |
1983年 | 8篇 |
1982年 | 8篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1979年 | 10篇 |
1978年 | 7篇 |
1977年 | 3篇 |
1976年 | 4篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
1970年 | 4篇 |
1967年 | 4篇 |
1966年 | 3篇 |
1960年 | 3篇 |
1959年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有464条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
461.
MICHAEL SCHUDSON 《政治交往》2013,30(3):271-273
Robert K. Merton's Mass Persuasion (1946) and related 1940s communications research represent a body of work that repays those who read it carefully today. Merton charted a world that became our own, one marked by the interplay of mass media, celebrity, and “public images” that traversed cultures of entertainment, moral life, and politics. In this essay, I read Mass Persuasion through a later Merton article discussing the role of reading and rereading classic texts in the human sciences. After extending Merton's arguments about the functions of predecessor texts, I amplify aspects of Mass Persuasion that remain instructive within political communication and related fields today. 相似文献
462.
Polls and coalition signals can help strategic voters in multiparty systems with proportional representation and coalition governments to optimise their vote decision. Using a laboratory experiment embedded in two real election campaigns, this study focuses on voters' attention to and perception of polls and coalition signals. The manipulation of polls and coalition signals allows a causal test of their influence on strategic voting in a realistic environment. The findings suggest that active information acquisition to form fairly accurate perceptions of election outcomes can compensate for the advantage of high political sophistication. The theory of strategic voting is supported by the evidence, but only for a small number of voters. Most insincere vote decisions are explained by other factors. Thus, the common practice to consider all insincere voters as strategic is misleading. 相似文献
463.
MICHAEL BANG PETERSEN RUNE SLOTHUUS RUNE STUBAGER LISE TOGEBY 《European Journal of Political Research》2011,50(1):24-52
Public attitudes towards welfare policy are often explained by political values and perceptions of deservingness of welfare recipients. This article addresses how the impact of values and perceptions varies depending on the contextual information that citizens have available when forming welfare opinions. It is argued that whenever citizens face deservingness‐relevant cues in public debate or the media, a psychological ‘deservingness heuristic’ is triggered prompting individuals spontaneously to think about welfare policy in terms of who deserves help. This is an automatic process, equally influential among the least and the most politically sophisticated. Moreover, when clear deservingness cues are present, the impact of values on opinions vanishes. These arguments are supported by data from two novel experimental studies embedded in separate nationwide opinion surveys. The findings revise conventional wisdom of how values and heuristics influence public opinion and have major implications for understanding dynamics in aggregate welfare opinion and attempts from political elites to manipulate public opinion. 相似文献
464.
MICHAEL A. WILKINSON 《Journal of law and society》2023,50(Z1):S115-S139
This article traces the disconnect in the constitutional study of the European Union from the Maastricht era to the euro crisis. In the Maastricht era, a discourse of ‘post-sovereignty’ came to dominate theoretical enquiry, reflecting but also distorting a number of material developments: the ‘end of history’, the retreat of critical theory into discourse analysis and systems theory, and the prioritization of law over politics. Jürgen Habermas was a key intellectual figure in driving this ideological mix at the very moment when anti-systemic challenges began to return, both formally and informally, as exemplified in the German Constitutional Court and the French political scene. In revisiting the idea of political constitutionalism, we can foreground this constitutional disconnect and show how it contributes to the irresolution of the subsequent euro crisis conjuncture. 相似文献