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MICHAEL W. ROSS ALISON LIEBLING SARAH TAIT 《The Howard Journal of Crime and Justice》2011,50(3):262-274
Abstract: Correctional institutions which are characterised by authoritarian organisation may control access to health care services through filtering requests through correctional staff, or conversely by using staff to identify and facilitate inmate medical care. We investigated the relationship between inmate‐assessed prison social climate and satisfaction with health care in over 4,800 male and female inmates in 49 English/Welsh correctional institutions (ranging from high to low security). A single eleven‐item dimension of health care satisfaction was identified in the Measuring the Quality of Prison Life (MQPL) instrument. Multiple regression of the dimensions of prison climate as measured by the MQPL on health care satisfaction indicated that the scales ‘Relationships with staff’, ‘Safety’, ‘Feedback and care’, ‘Fairness’ and ‘Care for vulnerable’, predicted 30% of variance in health care satisfaction. Qualitative data on health care issues from a parallel study of twelve English/Welsh local prisons were used to explicate the quantitative findings. Data suggest that positive prison climates facilitated interactions between correctional and health care staff and prisoners, while in negative climates correctional staff acted as a filter or barrier between inmates and health services. Further, data suggested that health care staff themselves may be influenced by prison climate. These findings implicate health care provision and access as an integral part of prison climate, and suggest that inmates' judgments on access to, and satisfaction with, prison health services are significantly associated with general, non‐health related prison climate measures. 相似文献
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Today's entering college students have the advantage of a lifetime of computer use. Education scholars and professionals claim that such exposure makes these students the most prepared ever to enter college. It cannot be argued that the advent of the Web, and Web 2.0 has placed at students' fingertips great works of literature, art, and science. It also cannot be argued that despite all this opportunity, students enter college writing with less precision than at any time in the last century. The two facts are reconcilable because (1) students map the world of technology differently than we do; and (2) they live in a digital culture different from our own. Until we understand that our perception of computers and technology is vastly different from our students, we cannot understand why they do what they do, and they will never understand what we want of them. This article argues that unless we change our pedagogy of technology, students and faculty will continue to be frustrated at poor performance, plagiarism, and misunderstandings about what each expects of the other. Los estudiantes que entran a la universidad en el siglo XXI tienen una ventaja sobre sus colegas de hace una década porque tienen toda una vida usando el computador. Académicos y profesionales afirman que dicha exposición convierte a estos estudiantes en los mejor preparados para entrar a la universidad. No puede ser negado que la llegada del internet y de la web 2.0 ha colocado al alcance de los estudiantes grandes obras de literatura, arte y ciencia. Tampoco puede ser negado que, a pesar de todas estas oportunidades, los estudiantes entran a la universidad escribiendo con menor precisión que cualquier otro momento en el último siglo. Ambos hechos son compatibles porque: (1) los estudiantes interpretan el mundo de la tecnología de forma diferente a nosotros, y (2) ellos viven en una cultura digital diferente a la nuestra. Hasta que comprendamos que nuestra percepción de las computadoras y la tecnología es diferente a la de nuestros estudiantes, no comprenderemos porque hacen lo que hacen, y ellos nunca comprenderán lo que queremos de ellos. Este artículo sugiere que, a menos que cambiemos nuestra pedagogía de la tecnología, estudiantes y profesores continuarán frustrados por el bajo rendimiento, plagio y malentendidos acerca de lo que cada uno espera del otro. 相似文献
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MICHAEL J. FABER 《Politics & Policy》2011,39(2):295-315
Joseph Schumpeter's famous Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy articulates a minimalist theory of democracy that he contrasts with what he calls the “classical doctrine of democracy.” This “classical doctrine” appears to be a thinly veiled democratic interpretation of Rousseau's social contract, although Schumpeter rarely mentions Rousseau. The use of the concept of the general will, including the direct use of the French phrase volonté générale often associated with Rousseau, makes this apparent. Although Rousseau seems on the surface an odd choice as the archetypal democrat, Schumpeter's reading of him has some merit; Rousseau's social contract can be a democratic society in a certain sense of the word. Rousseau, furthermore, provides an adequate defense against the criticisms Schumpeter makes against his theory. This article uses Rousseau's ideas to argue against Schumpeter's minimalist model and in favor of what he calls the classical doctrine of democracy. El famoso trabajo de Schumpeter Capitalismo, Socialismo y Democracia expresa una teoría de la democracia minimalista que él contrasta con lo que llama la “teoría clásica de la democracia.” Esta “doctrina clásica” parece ser una interpretación encubierta del contrato social de Rousseau. El uso del concepto de la voluntad general, incluyendo el uso directo de la frase francesa volonté générale, a menudo asociada a Rousseau, hace esto aparente. Aunque a primera vista Rousseau parece una elección extraña como el demócrata ideal, la interpretación de Schumpeter tiene su mérito; el contrato social de Rousseau puede ser de cierto modo una sociedad democrática, además, provee una defensa adecuada en contra de las críticas que Schumpeter hace de su teoría. Este artículo utiliza las ideas de Rousseau para argumentar en contra del modelo minimalista de Schumpeter y apoyar lo que él llamaba la doctrina clásica de la democracia. 相似文献
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Legislative professionalization typically involves two concomitant processes: increasing institutional resources and increasing careerism among state legislators. These processes, we argue, entail different effects for legislative influence on state administrative agencies. Greater legislative resources serve to increase legislative influence, but greater political careerism among state legislators serves to decrease it. Because these two processes are normally intertwined within the process of legislative professionalization, the net effect of professionalism is uncertain, although our analysis suggests that the negative effect of careerism may outweigh the positive effect of institutional resources. These results have significant implications for the democratic responsiveness of executive branch agencies. 相似文献
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MICHAEL ORTON 《Citizenship Studies》2006,10(2):251-265
The retheorisation of citizenship since the 1980s has been marked by an emphasis on responsibility over rights, and a focus on poor citizens. The article discusses why an interest in wealthy citizens is timely, including the argument in the UK that the citizenship responsibilities of those with high incomes should be expressed through the notion of active citizenship, not solely by paying tax. Findings are presented from empirical research in the UK, based on in-depth interviews with better off citizens. It is argued that wealthy citizens have benefited from a reduced obligation to pay taxation but there has not been a corresponding acceptance of active citizenship. Moreover, respondents' actual engagement with active citizenship and the expression of responsibility through an essentially individual ethos of economic independence promote a conception of citizenship that is exclusionary rather than inclusive. The research does not lead to an argument for the diminution of citizenship responsibility, but that there is a need for greater interest in the position of wealthy, not just poor, citizens. 相似文献