首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1652篇
  免费   56篇
各国政治   145篇
工人农民   92篇
世界政治   112篇
外交国际关系   105篇
法律   853篇
中国政治   6篇
政治理论   395篇
  2023年   11篇
  2022年   15篇
  2021年   23篇
  2020年   44篇
  2019年   47篇
  2018年   86篇
  2017年   90篇
  2016年   83篇
  2015年   73篇
  2014年   61篇
  2013年   257篇
  2012年   119篇
  2011年   93篇
  2010年   53篇
  2009年   57篇
  2008年   63篇
  2007年   82篇
  2006年   42篇
  2005年   44篇
  2004年   39篇
  2003年   31篇
  2002年   38篇
  2001年   31篇
  2000年   34篇
  1999年   25篇
  1998年   10篇
  1997年   8篇
  1996年   12篇
  1995年   7篇
  1994年   5篇
  1992年   8篇
  1991年   5篇
  1990年   7篇
  1989年   5篇
  1986年   4篇
  1984年   7篇
  1983年   9篇
  1982年   7篇
  1981年   4篇
  1979年   8篇
  1978年   5篇
  1973年   4篇
  1972年   3篇
  1970年   4篇
  1968年   3篇
  1967年   3篇
  1966年   3篇
  1965年   3篇
  1958年   3篇
  1957年   3篇
排序方式: 共有1708条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
151.
152.
153.
154.
155.
The emergence of Forza Italia should not be exclusively reduced to specific Italian conditions. This article attempts to explain the development and establishment of Forza Italia as part of a general change of politics in a modern, highly media‐oriented western society. The type of party represented by Forza Italia can be defined as a ‘media‐mediated personality‐party’. With regard to its structural organisation, it presents itself as an answer to tendencies of differentiation, individualisation and consumerisation in modern society. The leading organisational principle is not inner‐party democracy but inter‐party capability to compete. This model of organisation is seen as functional for a marketing‐based, media‐orientated political strategy. It represents a challenge for the type of democratic, mass‐membership party in western Europe. The 1996 elections in Italy, however, have also pointed out the limits of the model of the media‐mediated personality‐party.  相似文献   
156.
Abstract

This article analyses the gap between government ambitions and actual outcomes in the case of European counter terrorism intelligence cooperation. Specifically, it investigates why Europol has not managed to live up to its tasks despite outspoken government support. Drawing on rational choice institutionalism, the study suggests why bureaucrats might be motivated to resist calls for international cooperation. By examining the process by which Europol has developed as an actor in the counter terrorism field, this article shows how development in the field of intelligence cooperation is not exclusively the reflection of government preferences. It concludes by suggesting that scholars could gain greater insight from a less state centric approach to the study of intelligence. In addition, the article suggests that policy makers cultivate a greater familiarity with bureaucratic factors and that they continually work with those factors in mind.  相似文献   
157.
158.
159.
The article analyses the different channels ‐ industrial stakes, supervisory board mandates, proxy voting ‐ by which German banks can exert influence on industrial companies. The central thesis is that even where the banks have such influence they do not dominate the companies. A recent empirical study on the effects of the alleged bank dominance over industrial companies with detrimental effects on their performance is shown to contain major methodological mistakes. The relationship between banks and industry is undergoing some distinct changes. Banks have substantially reduced their industrial stakes as well as their representation on supervisory boards, which underlines that they are not striving for industrial leadership. Despite a clear trend in the German corporate sector to pay increasing attention to shareholder value and to provide more transparency in accounting, it seems premature to expect the German capital market, including the corporate governance system, to incorporate fully the Anglo‐Saxon model in the immediate future.  相似文献   
160.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号