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Abstract: An LC–MS method was developed for benzylpiperazine (BZP) and trifluoromethylphenylpiperazine (TFMPP), constituents of “party pills” or “legal herbal highs,” and their metabolites in human blood plasma. Compounds were resolved using a mixture of ammonium formate (pH 4.5, 0.01 M) and acetonitrile (flow rate of 1.0 mL/min) with a C18 column. Calibration curves were linear from 1 to 50 ng/mL (R2 > 0.99); the lower limit of quantification (LLOQ) was 5 ng/mL; the accuracy was >90%; the intra‐ and interday relative standard deviations (R.S.D) were <5% and <10%, respectively. Human plasma concentrations of TFMPP were measured in blood samples taken from healthy adults (n = 6) over 24 h following a 60‐mg oral dose of TFMPP: these peaked at 24.10 ng/mL (±1.8 ng/mL) (Cmax) after 90 min (Tmax). Plasma concentrations of 1‐(3‐trifluoromethyl‐4‐hydroxyphenyl) piperazine peaked at 20.2 ng/mL (±4.6 ng/mL) after 90 min. TFMPP had two disposition phases (t½ = 2.04 h (±0.19 h) and 5.95 h (±1.63 h). Apparent clearance (Cl/F) was 384 L/h (±45 L/h).  相似文献   
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Abstract

This article examines the increased linkage between domestic and foreign policy that has been a consequence of democratization and globalization in Korea. It argues that while prior to 1987 foreign policy-making saw very little public input, and while democratization did not lead to a weakening of domestic political institutions nor a rise in nationalism, it did open up domestic political space where foreign policy-making increasingly became part of the contentious electoral competition. The globalization policy, initiated with the purpose of raising Korea's international status, which has remained a goal of succeeding administrations, created a complex interdependency which led to a breakdown in the separation between the domestic and international, and that often brought with it a domestic backlash. As a consequence foreign policy-making, in the absence of a tradition of political compromise, increasingly runs the risk of either inconsistency, or even deadlock.  相似文献   
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The determination of capacity to make medical, personal and financial decisions has significant individual and social implications. Medical and other health professionals are traditionally relied on by courts and tribunals to provide clinical and psychometric evidence of the presence or absence of capacity, or competence. Concern has long been expressed over the variability of these assessments. A survey of 285 decisions of the Queensland Guardianship and Assessment Tribunal (GAAT) between 2005 and 2008 was conducted to estimate the incidence of disagreement between health professionals in capacity assessments; to provide examples of conflicting assessments and models of assessment used; and to consider the educational implications of disagreements. While the final capacity determinations by the GAAT appear sound, this case series, and other studies in the capacity literature, strongly suggest the need to improve the education of health professionals, especially doctors, at undergraduate and postgraduate levels, in the practical assessment of capacity as a fundamental clinical skill.  相似文献   
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Since the Second World War, Liberal governments trying to adapt to a rapidly changing international environment have been mindful of Australian interests, and especially the ongoing search for security. Adapting to declining British power, to militant communism in East and Southeast Asia, and to a new, under‐defined alliance with the United States was no easy task. The Colombo Plan for aid to South and Southeast Asia and the dismantling of the White Australia Policy represented two forms of positive engagement with Asia. Since the 1970s, Liberal governments have played significant roles in the strengthening of the Commonwealth; strengthening ties with key countries in Asia; and maintaining a sometimes problematic security relationship with the United States. On this latter point, however, the most recent Liberal governments have not performed well, in becoming more subservient to the Americans.  相似文献   
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