全文获取类型
收费全文 | 599篇 |
免费 | 39篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 41篇 |
工人农民 | 49篇 |
世界政治 | 74篇 |
外交国际关系 | 45篇 |
法律 | 229篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 7篇 |
政治理论 | 185篇 |
综合类 | 7篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 9篇 |
2022年 | 6篇 |
2021年 | 9篇 |
2020年 | 26篇 |
2019年 | 26篇 |
2018年 | 32篇 |
2017年 | 37篇 |
2016年 | 45篇 |
2015年 | 26篇 |
2014年 | 33篇 |
2013年 | 117篇 |
2012年 | 19篇 |
2011年 | 23篇 |
2010年 | 17篇 |
2009年 | 18篇 |
2008年 | 18篇 |
2007年 | 24篇 |
2006年 | 15篇 |
2005年 | 12篇 |
2004年 | 14篇 |
2003年 | 10篇 |
2002年 | 16篇 |
2001年 | 10篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 8篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 3篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1981年 | 9篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1978年 | 4篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 2篇 |
1962年 | 1篇 |
1957年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有638条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
21.
Charlotte Halmø Kroløkke 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2013,21(3):140-148
Scholars in feminist rhetorical theory and linguistics have documented ways in which online environments reinstate patriarchal forms of control, leading to the continued online victimization of women. In this article, young women's resistance to a narrative of victimization is seen through the lenses of a feminist reconstructionist perspective and a gender diversity perspective (Foss, Foss and Griffin 1997; Condit 1997). The author finds that grrls are best understood within a gender diversity perspective on rhetoric (Condit 1997; Butler 1990, 1997). Grrls appropriate the frontier metaphor and engender masculine talk to communicate resistance and change. The author concludes that the rhetoric of young women broadens the scope of feminist rhetorical criticism and calls for a re‐visioning of feminist rhetoric. 相似文献
22.
Dorte Marie Søndergaard 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2013,21(1):42-50
This article presents an analytic approach to the study of gender meaning in an academic context. In the presentation empirical material from an interview study among 29 Danish male and female university students is applied. The analytic approach is based on the conception of gender meaning as a culturally constructed phenomenon in continuous process. Current gender meaning is seen as a construction based on the idea of coherence between the gendered sign on the body and a variety of components including sexual and professionally related aspects. The connections between body sign and the components as well as among the components themselves are a continuous goal of negotiation processes among the male and female students. 相似文献
23.
In many EU countries, the so-called social investment perspective has provided new arguments for active welfare state policies. The social investment perspective is characterized by emphasizing the role of the state to increase participation in employment by investing in the working capacity of the population—particularly women—through activation programmes and social policies. In this article we depart from recent debates surrounding this perspective to explore changes in Norwegian work and welfare policies, and the role of gender equality in these changes. In Norway, both female employment and fertility levels are high, but women still have a looser connection to the labour market compared to men, for example due to the large proportion in part-time positions, which makes changes in work and welfare policies an interesting case for exploring the relevance of the social investment perspective in this context. The empirical analysis suggests that ideas of social investment indeed have permeated recent changes in Norwegian work and welfare policies. However, questions of gender equality are not addressed in the documents introducing these changes, except when the problem at hand is the employment rate of migrant women—who are the main recipients of activation policies. In conclusion, we claim that social investment is a relevant lens for analysing changes in Norwegian work and welfare policies, but that a dual-tracked vision of gender equality is emerging, making migrant women the significant target of social investment. 相似文献
24.
Being placed in restrictive housing is considered one of the most devastating experiences a human can endure, yet a scant amount of research has been conducted to test how this experience affects core indicators of prisoner reentry such as employment and recidivism. In this article, we use Danish registry data, which allow for us to link penal conditions to postrelease outcomes, to show how the reentry outcomes of individuals placed in disciplinary segregation, which is placement in restrictive housing because of disciplinary infractions, compare with those sanctioned for in-prison offenses but not placed in segregation. The results from matched difference-in-differences analyses show that Danish inmates placed in disciplinary segregation experience larger drops in employment and larger increases in the risk of being convicted of a new crime in the 3 years after release from a correctional facility than do Danish inmates who were sanctioned for a serious offense but not placed in disciplinary segregation as a result. Because being placed in disciplinary segregation, and restrictive housing more broadly, is so common, these results indicate that restrictive housing placement may be a key moderator of the effects of incarceration that merits more attention from criminologists, provided the associations shown here represent causal effects and generalize. 相似文献
25.
Judith Dwyer Tim Tenbensel Josée Lavoie Angelita Martini Catherine Brown Jeannie Devitt Paula Myott Edward Tilton Amohia Boulton 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2020,79(4):550-566
Persistent underperformance of public policy and program implementation in Aboriginal affairs is widely recognised. We analysed the results of two case studies of attempted reforms in public administration of Aboriginal primary health care in the Northern Territory, using a framework based on the institutionalist and systemic racism literatures, with the aim of better understanding the sources of implementation failure. Implementation of the agreed reforms was unsuccessful. Contributing factors were as follows: strong recognition of the need for change was not sustained; the seeds of change, present in the form of alternative practices, were not built on; there was a notable absence of sustained political/bureaucratic authorisation; and, interacting with all of these, systemic racism had important consequences and implications. Our framework was useful for making sense of the results. It is clear that reforms in Aboriginal affairs will require government authorities to engage with organisations and communities. We conclude that there are four requirements for improved implementation success: clear recognition of the need for change in ‘business as usual’; sustainable commitment and authorisation; the building of alternative structures and methods to enable effective power sharing (consistent with the requirements of parliamentary democracy); and addressing the impact of systemic racism on decision-making, relationships, and risk management. 相似文献
26.
Public Choice - Recent data show that virtually all military dictatorships that democratize become presidential democracies. I hypothesize that the reason is that military interests are able to... 相似文献
27.
Public Choice - Numerous studies—operating with diverse model specifications, samples and empirical measures—suggest different economic, social, cultural, demographic, institutional and... 相似文献
28.
The bigger the better? Evidence of the effect of government size on life satisfaction around the world 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This paper empirically analyzes whether government size is conducive or detrimental to life satisfaction in a cross-section of 74 countries. We thus provide a test of the longstanding dispute between standard neoclassical economic theory and public choice theory. According to the neoclassical view, governments play unambiguously positive roles for individuals' quality of life, while the theory of public choice has been developed to understand why governments often choose excessive involvement in – and regulation of – the economy, thereby harming their citizens' quality of life. Our results show that life satisfaction decreases with higher government consumption. For low, middle income, and male people, this result is stronger when the government is leftwing, while government consumption appears to be less harmful for women when the government is perceived to be effective. Government capital formation and social spending have no significant impact on life satisfaction. 相似文献
29.
30.
Duncan Black (1958) stated his voting order theorem — ‘the later any motion enters the voting order, the greater its chance of adoption’ — exclusively for the amendment procedure. Niemi and Gretlein's (1985) extension is similarly limited. Here we show that with a change in the focus from social preferences to individual preferences, both Black's theorem and that proved by Niemi and Gretlein apply as well to the successive procedure. 相似文献