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81.
他们可以直视着你的眼睛,赢得你的信任、融化你的心;他们的过去、现在与将来谎话连篇;他们会像我们化妆一样很容易地变换名字与身份. 相似文献
82.
本文主要的意图是根据对卢梭、罗尔斯和西耶斯等理论的分析,探讨合法性基础的建构问题。作者认为,作为合法性基础的不是每个人的确定性意志,而是他们决定意志的过程,即政治协商的过程。虽然协商理论仅仅提供了一种不完善的、尽可能合理地做出决策的方式,但是,这种过程使理性结果的实现更加可能。 相似文献
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Newhouse JP Brook RH Duan N Keeler EB Leibowitz A Manning WG Marquis MS Morris CN Phelps CE Rolph JE 《Journal of health politics, policy and law》2008,33(2):295-308; discussion 309-17
In a prior article in this journal, John Nyman argues that the effect on health care use and spending found in the RAND Health Insurance Experiment is an artifact of greater voluntary attrition in the cost-sharing plans relative to the free care plan. Specifically, he speculates that those in the cost-sharing plans, when faced with a hospitalization, withdrew. His argument is implausible because (1) families facing a hospitalization would be worse off financially by withdrawing; (2) a large number of observational studies find a similar effect of cost sharing on use; (3) those who left did not differ in their utilization prior to leaving; (4) if there had been no attrition and cost sharing did not reduce hospitalization rates, each adult in each family that withdrew would have had to have been hospitalized once each year for the duration of time they would otherwise have been in the experiment, an implausibly high rate; (5) there are benign explanations for the higher attrition in the cost-sharing plans. Finally, we obtained follow-up health-status data on the great majority of those who left prematurely. We found the health-status findings were insensitive to the inclusion of the attrition cases. 相似文献
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Since the end of the Cold War, the overwhelming majority of negotiated peace settlements have been premised on the establishment
of competitive, multiparty politics. The success of such settlements depends in turn on the degree to which the warring parties
can make the adjustment from battlefield to political arena. This article addresses the question of how armed opposition groups
are transformed into functional civilian political parties in the aftermath of civil conflict. It argues that the character
and degree of commitment such parties make to the post-war political settlement depends on the kinds of challenges that adaptation
to the settlement presents for them, as organizations. This article examines the cases of the Kosovo Liberation Army, the
Croatian Democratic Union, and the Serbian Democratic Party in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Renamo (Mozambique National Resistance
Movement) in Mozambique.
Carrie Manning is assistant professor of political science at Georgia State University. Her book,The Politics of Peace in Mozambique: Post-Conflict Democratization, 1992–2000 (Praeger), appeared in 2002. 相似文献
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ABSTRACT Under what conditions are rebel groups successfully incorporated into democratic politics when civil war ends? Using an original cross-national, longitudinal dataset, we examine political party formation by armed opposition groups over a 20-year period, from 1990 to 2009. We find that former armed opposition groups form parties in more than half of our observations. A rebel group’s pre-war political experience, characteristics of the war and how it ended outweigh factors such as the country’s political and economic traits and history. We advance a theoretical framework based on rebel leaders’ expectations of success in post-war politics, and we argue that high rates of party formation by former armed opposition groups are likely a reflection of democratic weakness rather than democratic robustness in countries emerging from conflict. 相似文献
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