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ABSTRACTImmigration control is at the center of the political debate and it is an important component of the Trump administration agenda. Restrictive immigration policies have expanded under the current administration justified in rhetoric that portrays immigrants as criminals and threats to public safety. This article presents the different mythologies surrounding the immigration and crime link and critically appraise the empirical evidence investigating the relationship between immigration and crime. The review provides ample evidence contradicting the commonly held belief that immigration increases crime. At the macro-level, research shows that immigrant communities have no higher crime rates than non-immigrant communities and that sanctuary cities do not foster crime. At the micro-level, research shows that neither immigrants in general nor undocumented immigrants, in particular, engage in more criminal behavior than non-immigrants. In fact, evidence seems to suggest the opposite. Despite researchers largely agreeing that the portrait of immigrants as a threat is not founded in empirical reality, the consequences of the immigrant threat narrative and the policies they promote are all too real. 相似文献
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Whereas both the literature on globalization and the literature on regulatory diffusion stress the pressures that led to policy convergence, this article shows how the ideology of incumbents produced different regulatory outcomes, even in the face of strong financial and technological pressures that constrained policy agency. By looking at the regulatory frameworks adopted at the time of electricity privatization in Latin America, this article shows that right‐wing governments adopted regulations that eliminated barriers to entry and investment and limited the discretion of regulators (market‐conforming regulations), and that former statists who had pragmatically converted to the market creed instead chose regulations that tended to impose higher barriers to entry and investment and gave regulators wide discretion in conflict resolution and price setting (market‐controlling regulations). These findings suggest the need to look at the ideology (and ideological legacies) of government coalitions for a more nuanced understanding of the process of regulatory diffusion that took place across many sectors in most regions of the world. 相似文献
75.
Mara Schiff 《Contemporary Justice Review》2018,21(2):121-139
The ‘school-to-prison pipeline’ now commonly refers to the impact of zero tolerance and other harsh exclusionary discipline policies on school suspensions and expulsions, especially felt among minority students of color in the United States. Abundant evidence now concludes that such students are suspended, expelled, disciplinarily referred and arrested at rates far exceeding either their representation in the population or that of their white peers. Restorative justice practices have emerged as an increasingly popular response to racial disparity in school discipline, supported by research, state and federal governmental initiatives. However, the capacity of restorative justice to limit the school-to-prison pipeline may remain unfulfilled unless it can disrupt current social-organizational structures that maintain racial inequity in institutional structures. This paper considers the effectiveness of restorative justice in schools as an alternative to overly punitive discipline policy and as a strategy for reducing racial disciplinary disparity. It then considers organizational and cultural impediments to implementing restorative justice to overcome racial disciplinary inequity for school-based youth and asserts that restorative justice must strive for more than incremental change inside existing systems. 相似文献
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This study addresses the concerns over newspapers' reporting of suicide cases in Hong Kong, SAR (Special Administrative Region), using the WHO guidelines on the reporting of suicide news as a reference for comparison. We compared the official suicide information extracted from the Coroner's Court for the year 2000 with newspaper reports on suicides taken from five major Chinese local newspapers, which accounted for about 80% of the total circulation in Hong Kong. The type of newspaper reporting on suicides was also examined. Newspapers tended to report on those suicide victims who suffered relationship problems, whereas those who had family problems were significantly underreported. Among the suicides reported in the newspapers, 6.2% were found on the front page and the majority of the reports were presented pictorially. The reporting of suicides was selective and the coverage was incomplete, with student suicides reported excessively. The method of reporting for Hong Kong newspapers was not in line with the recommendations of the WHO or international best practices on presenting suicide news. For this reason we recommend a partnership approach with active participation from the media on suicide prevention so that communication professionals can proactively participate in suicide prevention work more effectively. 相似文献
78.
Mara?S.?ArugueteEmail author Robert?L.?Robinson 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2004,28(2):201-213
This study examines attitudes toward sentencing guidelines and simulated sentencing practices among Missouri circuit court judges. In addition, the study investigates the efficacy of sentencing workshops by comparing judges who attended or did not attend workshops. All Missouri circuit court judges were mailed surveys and 97 judges responded. Results indicated that judges generally felt positive toward Missouri’s voluntary sentencing guidelines, but often failed to refer to the guidelines when sentencing sample cases. Attendance at a sentencing workshop was not associated with attitudes about Missouri sentencing guidelines or sentencing in simulated cases. Sentencing in simulated cases varied by nature of the crime and circuit type. Judges from metropolitan areas tended to sentence more leniently than judges from rural areas. In their written comments, many judges expressed fear about the possibility of mandatory guidelines. Results suggest that there is ambivalence among Missouri judges over the acceptance and use of sentencing guidelines. 相似文献
79.
Cecilia Testa 《Public Choice》2005,125(3-4):305-337
Citizens with heterogeneous tastes delegate to policy makers the authority to choose public policies. They may try to influence legislators in various ways. In this paper we assume that monetary lobbying and direct threats are the only instruments private individuals can use to influence the legislator. We model the relationship between the citizens and a single policy maker as a common agency game. Lobbies offer a policy and a payment according to a truthful contribution schedule, and the government takes the policy decision. In the truthful equilibrium, the government implements the social surplus maximizing policy. Introducing also direct threats, we find that, as far as both groups have an instrument to influence the legislator, the efficiency result is robust. We also show that when the lobby groups have asymmetric interests and political power, not all groups necessarily participate in the auction. In particular it turns out that one-lobby or non-lobby equilibria may arise, and those equilibria are also efficient. 相似文献
80.
The paper focuses on the use of attitude measures in evaluation research. It is suggested that attitude measures can assist evaluators in surmounting the problems of assessing program effectiveness both in process and impact evaluations. Attitude change can be conceptualized as the intended output of programs, as intervening between program variables and behavior or as proxy measures of behavioral target variables that are not readily measurable. Attitude measures can play avital role in evaluation research if an adequate methodology is employed. 相似文献