全文获取类型
收费全文 | 797篇 |
免费 | 52篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 66篇 |
工人农民 | 35篇 |
世界政治 | 80篇 |
外交国际关系 | 70篇 |
法律 | 365篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 223篇 |
综合类 | 9篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 9篇 |
2020年 | 16篇 |
2019年 | 25篇 |
2018年 | 33篇 |
2017年 | 41篇 |
2016年 | 36篇 |
2015年 | 39篇 |
2014年 | 27篇 |
2013年 | 119篇 |
2012年 | 31篇 |
2011年 | 35篇 |
2010年 | 18篇 |
2009年 | 39篇 |
2008年 | 41篇 |
2007年 | 39篇 |
2006年 | 41篇 |
2005年 | 33篇 |
2004年 | 29篇 |
2003年 | 23篇 |
2002年 | 21篇 |
2001年 | 17篇 |
2000年 | 17篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 7篇 |
1997年 | 15篇 |
1996年 | 6篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 6篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 8篇 |
1991年 | 5篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 5篇 |
1988年 | 4篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 3篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1979年 | 2篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 4篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有849条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
141.
This article contributes to the literature on aid and economic growth. We posit that uncertainty, measured as the instability of aid receipts, will influence the relationship between aid and investment, how recipient governments respond to aid, and will capture the fact that some countries are especially vulnerable to shocks. When we account for uncertainty (which is negative and significant), we find that aid has a significant positive effect on growth, largely due to its effect on the volume of investment. The finding that uncertainty of aid receipts reduces the effectiveness of aid is robust. When the regression is estimated for the sub‐sample of African countries these findings hold, although the effectiveness of aid appears weaker than for the full sample. 相似文献
142.
Using data from the Philippines, we study the impact of mobile phones on the prices agricultural producers receive for their cash crop. We first look at the impact on price of mobile phone ownership at the household level. Because this masks a considerable amount of heterogeneity, we then look at the impact on price of the intrahousehold allocation of mobile phones. We find that whether the household owns a mobile phone has no impact on price, but whether a farmer or spouse owns a mobile phone is associated with a 5- to 8-per cent increase in price. 相似文献
143.
Marc Blecher 《亚洲研究》2013,45(2):263-276
Abstract This article offers one China analyst's perspective on a variety of questions related to the unionization of all sixty-six Wal-Mart outlets in China. Why did China force Wal-Mart to unionize? If, as Marx, paraphrasing Hegel, wrote, “all great world-historic facts and personages appear, so to speak, twice,” is Mao making his comeback? Or if, as Marx immediately continued in his own right, “He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce,” is Hu Jintao playing Louis Bonaparte to Mao's Napoleon? Is the Chinese state acting out of a new level of confidence that it can now challenge the world's most prepossessing corporate giants in order to make good on its communist commitments? Is it running scared in the face of a working class that has at last managed to score a victory? Or is it actually strengthening its power through time-honored tactics of mass organizational control that have not really changed despite the new market context? Are China's workers being protected, empowered, or co-opted and subjected to new forms of state control? And why did one of the world's most militantly antiunion corporations go along? Did they have a choice? Did they fear China's state-run union federation? And finally, what does all this portend for the future of labor relations in China? 相似文献
144.
This article addresses three issues. First, it argues that the use of trade related investment measures (TRIMs) by LDCs can only be analysed in the context of their dealings with transnational corporations (TNCs). Second, it considers the applicability of existing GATT rules to TRIMs and shows that they are inadequate and can pose difficulties for LDCs seeking foreign direct investment by TNCs. Third, it suggests a framework for regulating TRIMs as one element of host‐TNC relations. The article concludes with proposals for enhancing the capacity of LDCs in their dealings with TNCs. 相似文献
145.
Teri L. Martin M.Sc. Patricia A. M. Solbeck M.Sc. Daryl J. Mayers Ph.D. Robert M. Langille Ph.D. Yvona Buczek Ph.D. Marc R. Pelletier Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(5):1238-1250
The operation of a motor vehicle requires the integrity of sensory, motor, and intellectual faculties. Impairment of these faculties following the consumption of alcohol has been studied extensively through laboratory, closed‐course and on‐road driving, and epidemiological studies. The scientific literature was reviewed critically, with a focus on low‐to‐moderate blood alcohol concentrations (BAC ≤ 0.100%), to identify the most reliable determinants of alcohol‐impaired driving. Variables such as age, gender, driving skill, and tolerance were shown to have limited impact on impairment. It was concluded the most relevant variables are BAC and complexity of the driving task. The scientific literature provides a high degree of confidence to support the conclusion that a BAC of 0.050% impairs faculties required in the operation of a motor vehicle. Whether impairment is apparent depends upon the complexity of the driving task, which applies to both study design and actual driving. 相似文献
146.
147.
148.
Women's continued political underrepresentation suggests that women candidates might be more likely than men to be ‘sacrificial lambs’ – that is, more likely than men to serve as party standard bearers in districts where their party has little chance to win. Using data from the 2004–2011 Canadian federal elections, we find support for the sacrificial lamb hypothesis when district competitiveness is measured dynamically, rather than statically. Our dynamic measurement of district competitiveness further shows that women incumbents' seats are not as safe as are men's. We conclude that these two factors help to explain why women remain underrepresented in Canadian federal politics. 相似文献
149.
150.
Marc Szeftel 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(1):71-94
SUMMARY This article examines mobility across constituencies among members of parliament in eighteenth-century Britain, using quantitative methods. Recent historiography has suggested that more attention should be paid to those members who changed seats during their careers in the House of Commons. The scale and significance of that movement, however, has remained unexplored. The article begins by showing that about half of the 2,217 members examined changed seats at least once during their careers and that the frequency of movement varies with the type of constituency they represented. For example, members sitting for English independent constituencies (counties and open boroughs) tended to change scats rather infrequently. Mobility was more apparent for boroughs under the control of patrons. This article also considers why this occurred, by paying attention to the inclination of members to take office under the crown. Members sitting for independent constituencies were less inclined to take office, because they were usually local men and tended to have closer relations with their electorates, who were suspicious of office-holding members. In contrast, members who owed their seats to patrons could behave more autonomously, for they did not depend upon electorates. Thus they probably changed scats more frequently in order to avoid the constraints of locality and patronage. 相似文献