A Preliminary Examination of Differential Decomposition Patterns in Mass Graves

Five pairs of mass graves, each containing carcasses of 21 rabbits, were used to examine differential decomposition at four locations within the burial: surface, deep, mid‐outer, and core. Every 100 accumulated degree days (ADD), a pair of graves was exhumed, and total body score (TBS) and internal carcass temperature of each rabbit were recorded. Decomposition did not differ for core‐ and deep‐positioned carcasses (p = 0.13); differences were significant (p < 0.001) for all other location comparisons. Decomposition occurred fastest in shallow carcasses, followed by mid‐outer carcasses; deep and core carcasses decomposed slowest and at rates not significantly different from one another. Adipocere formation was minimal and confined to deep carcasses. Carcass location within the mass grave significantly influenced internal carcass temperature (p < 0.001); a mean internal temperature difference of ca. 1°C existed between deep and shallow carcasses (30 cm apart). Effects of mass compactness and oxygenation require further investigation.     

Right-Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation Predict Different Moral Signatures

Moral Foundations Theory posits five distinct foundations of morality: Harm/Care, Fairness/Reciprocity, In-group/Loyalty, Authority/Respect, and Purity/Sanctity. In combination, this should yield between four-to-six moral signatures—distinct combinations or patterns of support for these aspects of morality. We extend previous research by examining the replicability of these moral signatures in a New Zealand-based national sample (n = 3,635). Latent Profile Analysis identified four distinct moral signatures: Individuators, Moderates, Neutrals, and High Moralists. We integrate these moral signatures within the Dual Process Model (DPM) framework and show that Social Dominance Orientation predicts membership in the Neutral moral signature (moderate/lukewarm support for multiple moral foundations); whereas Right-Wing Authoritarianism predicts membership in the High Moralist signature (undifferentiated high support across moral foundations). These findings were observed controlling for Big-Six personality and various demographics. Thus, the authoritarian and dominance-based motives identified by the DPM independently predict categorical differences in the signatures people use to judge morality.     

Exchange rate volatility and regional trade agreements in Southern Africa

Economic Change and Restructuring - Exchange rate volatility is often perceived to cause a reduction in the overall level of trade. In view of the proliferation of rapid regional trade agreements...     

The webs of belief around ‘evidence’ in legislatures: The case of select committees in the UK House of Commons

A wide‐ranging literature has explored the relationship between research, knowledge and policy. However, legislatures have often been overlooked in this research. While some studies have looked at ‘who has access’, the literature on how parliaments seek to engage with knowledge claims is particularly scarce. This article addresses this gap through a case study of UK select committees. By adopting an interpretive lens, the article explores how MPs and officials make sense of evidence in committee settings. It finds that legalistic definitions around ‘evidence’ shape wider beliefs in how to engage with knowledge claims and the practices of undertaking inquiries, and are underpinned by a distinctly political function of knowledge use in politics. Beliefs around evidence have significant repercussions and highlight tensions (i) around the authority of committee reports, (ii) between epistemic and democratic claims and (iii) with respect to who is included and who is excluded.     

Multiwinner approval voting: an apportionment approach

Public Choice - To ameliorate ideological or partisan cleavages in councils and legislatures, we propose modifications of approval voting in order to elect multiple winners, who may be either...     

The changing role of the Prime Minister's Office†

Abstract. It is impossible to understand how the Prime Minister's Office has evolved without a clear appreciation of the prime minister's ‘office’ - his powers, responsibilities and influence. By the ‘office’ of prime minister, I am referring not only to his role as shaped by constitutional custom and usage, but also to his contemporary leadership role in its widest context. The ‘raison d'être’ of the Prime Minister's Office is to serve the prime minister in the discharging of all his responsibilities - as leader of the Canadian people, as head of the government and of the administration, as chief spokesman within the House of Commons, and as leader of a particular political party. His Office reflects, in large measure, his priorities, thinking, personality and style. Today, more than ever before, however, die Prime Minister's Office reflects the increasing burden and changing emphasis of his many responsibilities. Herein lies the principal theme and thrust of this paper. Only by defining what the contemporary prime minister does can we appreciate the task of the Office that helps him to do it. This paper is, therefore, divided into two major parts: the first one is entitled the office of prime minister and attempts to describe in a summary way the powers, functions and contemporary role of die prime minister; the second one is entitled the Prime Minister's Office and analyses how the Prime Minister's staff provides him with the assistance he requires in the discharging of his many responsibilities. I conclude with some brief personal thoughts about possible future developments of the office of the prime minister and the Prime Minister's Office. Sommaire. Il est impossible de camprendre l'évolution du Cabinet du Premier Ministre si l'on n'a pas une idée Claire de la charge de premier ministre, c'est-à-dire de ses attributions, de ses pouvoirs et de son influence. Par charge, j'entends non seulement le rôle de premier ministre tel que l'ont façonné les us et coutumes constitutionnels, mais aussi, au sens le plus large, ce rôle de meneur d'hommes qui est devenu le sien dans notre monde contemporain. La raison d'être du Cabinet du Premier Ministre est de l'aider à assumer toutes ses responsabilités de chef du peuple canadien, de chef du gouvernement et de la fonction publique, de premier porte-parole à l'interieur de la Chambre des Communes, et de chef d'un parti politique. Dans une large mesure, son Cabinet est à l'image de sa personnalité, de son style, de sa pensée et de ses objectifs. Cependant, aujourd'hui plus que jamais, ce qui marque surtout son Cabinet, c'est le fardeau croissant de ses nombreuses responsabilités, aux solicitations toujours mouvantes. C'est là le thème majeur que j'entends développer. Ce n'est qu'en précisant ce que fait le premier ministre actuel que nous pourrons apprécier à sa juste valeur la tâche du Cabinet qui le seconde. Le présent exposé est, par conséquent, divisé en deux parties: la première, sous le titre de “La charge de premier ministre”, décrit brièment les attributions, les pouvoirs et le rôle actuel du premier ministre; la seconde, intitulée “Le Cabinet du Premier Ministre”, analyse la manière dont l'équipe du premier ministre lui apporte l'aide dont il a besoin pour assumer ses multiples responsabilités Je conclurai par quelques vues personnelles sur l'évolution possible de la charge de premier ministre et du Cabinet du Premier Ministre.     

Relational legal consciousness in the punitive welfare state: How Dutch welfare officials shape clients' perceptions of law

With a growing number of strict obligations and harsh sanctions for welfare recipients, the Netherlands has increasingly become a punitive welfare state. This article looks at what this means for welfare clients and their commonsense understandings of the law. To analyze how welfare officials shape clients' legal consciousness, I draw on an online survey among Dutch welfare clients (N = 1305) and a correlation analysis. The findings show that there is a clear relationship between welfare clients' own legal consciousness and their assessment of welfare officials' beliefs about the law. However, not all elements of their legal consciousness are relationally influenced by the same factors. Also, clients' self-reported compliance behavior is less relationally influenced than other elements of their legal consciousness. This study adds to our understanding of the mechanisms that constitute the production of relational and second-order legal consciousness and it contributes to the development of new research methods to study people's perceptions of law.     

Die Dimensionalität der Reichstage der Weimarer Republik von 1920 bis 1932

We analyse the dimensionality and the positioning of parliamentary party groups and single MPs in the parliament (“Reichstag”) of the Weimar Republic on the basis of all recorded votes between 1920 and 1932. On the basis of studies on the milieu-boundedness of German parties and theoretical accounts on the dimensionality of parliaments in general we develop hypotheses regarding the number and characteristics of dimensions that structured voting behaviour in the Weimar Reichstag. The expectations are tested with a full sample of recorded parliamentary votes. The results, which are based on item response models, show that two dimensions structured MP’s decision-making: this is, first, an economic left-right axis and, secondly, a pro vs. contra Weimar Republic dimension. Additionally, our results provide support for recent studies on intra-party conflict inside the German national conservatives.     

Self-reported personality traits in forensic populations: a meta-analysis

The current study covers a systematic review and meta-analysis of the prevalence of self-reported deviant or disruptive personality traits: anger, aggression, hostility, antisocial traits, psychopathy, and impulsivity in forensic populations worldwide. A computer-based search of titles was carried out using the PubMed electronic database for articles published in English that included a self-report instrument for personality characteristics in combination with a forensic population (i.e. detained in remand, sentenced and/or in enforced treatment, or on parole). The final sample consisted of 39 studies (N?=?11,716) that together used 17 different instruments and reported on 32 subscales or constructs that fitted our current interest. Results showed significantly higher levels of self-reported antisocial and psychopathic features in forensic samples, including a significant effect of the assessment instrument and subscale used. No significant differences were found for self-reported impulsivity, anger, aggression, or hostility in forensic populations compared to norm scores of non-forensic samples. Possible explanations, including suggestions that forensic populations are prone to providing socially desirable answers on self-report questionnaires, possibly to gain advantages such as a lower prison sentence or to avoid enforced treatment, are discussed, as well as limitations, and suggestions for future research and clinical practice.