全文获取类型
收费全文 | 261篇 |
免费 | 13篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 27篇 |
工人农民 | 4篇 |
世界政治 | 34篇 |
外交国际关系 | 17篇 |
法律 | 130篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 59篇 |
综合类 | 2篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 2篇 |
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 6篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 17篇 |
2018年 | 25篇 |
2017年 | 16篇 |
2016年 | 15篇 |
2015年 | 13篇 |
2014年 | 12篇 |
2013年 | 33篇 |
2012年 | 12篇 |
2011年 | 10篇 |
2010年 | 13篇 |
2009年 | 16篇 |
2008年 | 10篇 |
2007年 | 16篇 |
2006年 | 9篇 |
2005年 | 9篇 |
2004年 | 7篇 |
2003年 | 2篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有274条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
211.
This article compares the small-firm economies of Taiwan and Italy, utilizing an institutional oganizational approach in the
analysis of economic structures. It is divided into three sections. First, there is a presention of the main features of the
Italian and the Taiwanese economies to draw out their distinctive similarities. The second part identifies a set of institutional
factors which help us understand the similarities observed in the two economies, and classifies them along two analytical
headings: individual values and social structure. The third section explores the significance of the author's crossnational
comparison of small-firm economies for improving the status of an institutional theory of economic structures. By, emphasizing
the role of institutional factors and the social embeddedness of economic activities in Italy and Taiwan, the article provides
a corrective to the unilateral emphasis on an East versus West model of economic action and shows the obvious inadequacies
of restrictively cultural, political, or economic interpretations of national economies.
Marco, Orrù is assistant professor of sociology at the University of South Florida. Recent publications include “Patterns
of Inter-Firm Control in Japanese Business” (Organization Studies, December 1989, 549–74) and “Organizational Isomorphism in East Asia” inThe New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis P. Dimaggio and W. Powell, eds., (University of Chicago Press, 1991). Dr. Orrù's research has also appeared inThe British Journal of Sociology, Sociological Forum, Japan'sFinancial Economic Review, and other professional journals. He is currently working on a monograph,Patterns of Asian Capitalism, co-authored with Gary G. Hamilton and Nicole Woolsey Biggart. 相似文献
212.
Short tandem repeat (STR) profiles from 32,671 individuals generated by the ABI Profiler Plus and Cofiler systems were screened for variant alleles not represented within manufacturer-provided allelic ladders. A total of 85 distinct variants were identified at 12 of the 13 CODIS loci, most of which involve a truncated tetranucleotide repeat unit. Twelve novel alleles, identified at D3S1358, FGA, D18S51, D5S818, D7S820 and TPOX, were confirmed by nucleotide sequence analysis and include both insertions and deletions involving the repeat units themselves as well as DNA flanking the repeat regions. Population genetic data were collected for all variants and frequencies range from 0.0003 (many single observations) to 0.0042 (D7S820 '10.3' in North American Hispanics). In total, the variant alleles identified in this study are carried by 1.6% of the estimated 1 million individuals tested annually in the U.S. for the purposes of parentage resolution. A paternity case involving a recombination event of paternal origin is presented and demonstrates how variant alleles can significantly strengthen the genetic evidence in troublesome cases. In such instances, increased costs and turnaround time associated with additional testing may be eliminated. 相似文献
213.
214.
215.
In Economy and Society , Max Weber posits that bureaucracies that are not reined in by either democratic controls or market discipline will eventually start to pursue public policies that are detrimental to those whose lives these policies should enable or improve. During the last ten years, a number of scholars, activists, parliamentarians, journalists and whistleblowers have come to argue that Weber's hypothesis has often held up for the functioning of multilateral organizations, such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Trade Organization. At least, it appears that little democratic control or market discipline has been imposed on multilateral organizations. Moreover, critics from both the left and the right have severely criticized such multilateral policies as development lending, deregulation of financial markets, and structural adjustment programs. Yet it remains difficult to agree upon appropriate remedies. Many proposals—ranging from outright abolishment of large international organizations to the establishment of global parliaments at the United Nations—have been tabled, but little consensus reigns and various disadvantages (as well as advantages) cling to each of these proposals. This special issue of Governance considers yet another way in which to make multilateral organizations more democratic and pluralistic: by making these organizations more deliberatively democratic. This introduction clarifies what is meant by deliberative decision–making and why it is worthwhile to consider making multilateral organizations more deliberative. It also sets out the other contributions to the issue, which offer different justifications for increased deliberation and discuss alternative forms in which multilateral organizations can be made more deliberatively democratic. 相似文献
216.
Marco Tarchi 《South European society & politics》2018,23(1):147-162
AbstractFollowing the corruption scandals of the early 1990s, the birth of the electoral coalition led by Silvio Berlusconi, and its occupation of government in 1994, 2001 and 2008, was interpreted by many as a sign of a new era of success for the Italian centre-right. Yet, after narrowly losing the 2013 national elections, the centre-right appears to have fallen into a political abyss. While opinion polls suggest that its potential electorate is still wide, the former allies that made up the coalition have been fragmented and weakened by a series of splits, leaving the centre-right divided into a more moderate component and an openly populist one. The centre-right’s old ruling elites have lost credibility, but the new younger leaders, like Matteo Salvini and Giorgia Meloni, are not able to re-unify the former coalition. The centre-right has been riven by several factors that explain its difficulties during the decade of the economic crisis: the personalisation of its leadership, factionalism, a divergence of programmes, a failure of institutionalisation and ongoing corruption and legal problems. These factors also look set to condition its political future. 相似文献
217.
218.
This paper explores Internet tools used for consensus building during the 2010 Italian regional elections, especially focusing on the use of the Internet to involve the electorate in a background of political disaffection. Previous experience from the United States and European countries suggests that the Internet is an interesting tool for the creation and development of consensus and shows an increasing use of Internet-based communication for elections. In this context, the research has two objectives. The first is to measure the degree of use of Internet tools by the main candidates to develop participation in several local areas, more limited than those traditionally investigated in the literature. To this end, we used the technique of analysis of site functionality, properly integrated to make it suitable for measuring the use of tools for participation, to compute for each candidate a reliable index of participation. Second, the work aims to understand how different contexts of electoral competition may encourage or lessen the inclination to use Internet communication tools in a participative sense. The analysis reveals a positive correlation between the affiliation of the candidate for the ruling party and the tendency for this candidate to use tools of participation more than the competitor. 相似文献
219.
Sergio Marco Gemperle 《Global Crime》2018,19(1):22-41
Anti-corruption reforms in fragile and conflict-affected states are considered as a policy imperative by international actors engaged in statebuilding. The establishment of anti-corruption agencies is often the preferred implementation strategy. The main rationale is that anti-corruption agencies demonstrate a government’s commitment to fight corruption, and should thus improve state legitimacy within a context of weak governance. In practice, several intervening factors condition the legitimacy effect of anti-corruption agencies, including the types and systems of corruption prevalent in a specific context, the perceptions of corruption towards specific parts of government, and how citizens attribute the successes or failures of these agencies to the state. More broadly, these intervening factors also challenge the predominant assumption of a positive linear relationship between anti-corruption reforms, increased state legitimacy, and greater stability in fragile and conflict-affected states. 相似文献
220.
What is the material context of constitutional order? The purpose of this paper is to offer an answer to that question by sketching a theory of the material constitution. Moving beyond the interwar constitutional theories of Heller and Mortati, the paper outlines the four ordering forces of the material constitution: political unity; a set of institutions; social relations, and fundamental political objectives. These forces constitute the substance and dynamic of constitutional ordering, in internal relation with the formal constitution. Because these ordering forces are multiple, and in tension with one another, there is no single determining factor of constitutional development. Neither is order as such guaranteed. The conflict that characterises the modern human condition might but need not be internalised by the process of constitutional ordering. The theory of the material constitution offers an account of the basic elements of this process as well as its internal dynamic. 相似文献