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91.
Marco Bünte 《Contemporary Politics》2018,24(3):346-360
ABSTRACTAlthough Myanmar's transition from military rule has been thoroughly studied, research into the evolving presidential system is lacking. This article maps Myanmar's unique hybrid form of presidentialism and characterises executive-legislative relations between 2012 and 2017. It not only examines institutions themselves but also explores how actors within them have acted and shifted strategically. It is argued that elite-behaviour determines how institutions work. Myanmar's 2008 constitution imposed by the military established a hybrid presidential system with a formally powerful president. The first phase under President Thein Sein saw competitive yet cooperative executive-legislative relations between President Thein Sein and the ambitious House Speaker Shwe Mann, both members of the former military regime. However, this power-sharing arrangement of former members of the military regime became increasingly fragile with the rise of Aung San Suu Kyi and her attempt to change the 2008 constitution. After the election victory of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the passage of the state counsellor law, a de facto semi-presidential system was established – Burmese style. Since then, the frontline has been between the civilian and military parts of the administration. 相似文献
92.
93.
Marco Abram 《Nationalities Papers》2018,46(1):69-85
This article investigates the politics of national identity implemented in Rijeka after World War II, when the city was integrated into socialist Yugoslavia. These national and political transitions posed various challenges to the consolidation of the Yugoslav Communists’ power. The nationalities policy embedded in the slogan “Brotherhood and Unity” was the official answer to the national question, promoting collaboration among the Croatian majority, the Italian minority, and other national communities in the city. This article focuses on the definition of postwar Rijeka’s image, investigating the relationship between Yugoslav socialism and national identities in everyday political practice. The negotiation of the representation of national identities in a socialist society led to ambivalences, contradictions, and contentions expressed in and through Rijeka’s public spaces, highlighting the different orientations of cultural and political actors. The process of building socialist Yugoslavia in this specific borderland context reveals the balance and tension between the multinational framework and the integrative tendencies pertaining to the legitimization and consolidation of the socialist system. 相似文献
94.
Mit Urteil vom 29. Oktober 2007 hat das Amtsgericht Hannover einen Angler wegen Versto?es gegen
§ 17 Nr. 2 b des Tierschutzgesetz (TierSchG) zu einer Geldstrafe in H?he von 15 Tagess?tzen
verurteilt. Nach den Feststellungen des Gerichts hatte der Angeklagte am 16.11.2007 sechzig Rotfedern zum
Zwecke der Verwendung als K?derfische in einem insgesamt zehn Liter fassenden, jedoch zeitweise lediglich
mit sieben Litern Wasser gefüllten ovalf?rmigen Eimer zur weiteren Verwendung zwischengeh?ltert.
Im Verlauf der H?lterung schwammen einige der Fische an die Oberfl?che, woraus das Gericht auf
einen zwischenzeitlichen Sauerstoffmangel im Beh?ltnis schloss. Nach Auffassung des AG Hannover stellt
das Verhalten des Anglers insgesamt einen Versto? gegen § 17 TierSchG in der Modalit?t des
Zufügens von l?nger anhaltenden erheblichen Leiden nach Nr. 2 b dar. 相似文献
95.
96.
Scholars agree that ideology affects judicial decision-making. We demonstrate that this proposition holds true even when the judiciary is independent of political control. Focusing on Italy (1983–2013), where the politicisation of the judiciary was an issue well before the entry of Berlusconi into politics, we estimate judicial orientations according to the support for factions within the National Judiciary Association. The results show that ideology affects trial court activity against deputies. As the support for left-wing factions increases, prosecutors are more likely to investigate right-wing parties. Conversely, as the share of right-leaning factions grows, investigations of moderate or rightist parties decrease. 相似文献
97.
Marco Lisi Ana Maria Belchior Manuel Abrantes Joana Azevedo 《South European society & politics》2015,20(2):265-285
Over recent decades, emigrants have gained expanded voting rights on a global scale. Despite the normative debates about this issue, there are few empirical studies on why states decide to implement external voting and how electoral systems perform. This article seeks to fill this gap by looking at the Portuguese case. Our study suggests that a combination of political and socio-economic factors explains the implementation of external voting. On the other hand, the interests of political parties and the low level of civil society engagement are key to determining the failure of electoral reforms and the attempts to overcome the shortcomings of external voting. 相似文献
98.
Marco Runkel 《Public Choice》2006,129(1-2):217-231
This paper considers the optimal design of an asymmetric two-player contest when the designer’s payoff depends not only on performance of the contestants, but also on the closeness of the contest measured by the difference in winning probabilities. In contrast to previous studies, the impact of closeness on the optimal prize depends on the shape of the contest success function. Furthermore, including closeness in the designer’s objective may induce the designer to uniformly increase the contestants’ effort costs. A similar result is obtained in case the designer may handicap the stronger contestant, but an even contest is never optimal. 相似文献
99.
100.
Water as a political good: implications for investments 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Marco Schouten Klaas Schwartz 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2006,6(4):407-421
There is an urgent need for investments in the water sector. Still about a billion people lack access to drinking water services,
and the double amount lacks proper sanitation services. To reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) substantial additional
funding needs to be accessed. In view of the low priority given to the water sector by all prospective investors, the perspective
of failure to reach the MDGs is eminent. The main argument made in this paper is that a formidable obstacle in accessing and
using funds in the water sector is the omission to include explicitly the political nature of water in investment decisions.
Due to its multifaceted and internally conflicting character, politics are a fact of life in the water sector. The menu of
(suitable) investment options for a given locality is very much dependent on the political environment in which these water
services are to be provided. While the impact of the political realm on water services is often acknowledged (most frequently
in negative terms as it is seen as one of the main causes of poor performance of public utilities), few professionals really
take the political environment explicitly into account when taking decisions relating to the provision of water services.
In this paper it is propagated that the political dimension of water should be made explicit in an attempt to increase access
and sustainability of investments in the water sector. Sound and sustainable investment in water services can only be achieved
by taking into account the existing political environment in which those water services are to be delivered. 相似文献